Thursday, August 7, 2008

NCRBH #561 SILAJDZIC, A SERBIAN AGENT WITH SWEET WORDS BUT POISONOUS ACTIONS

National Congress of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina

ONLINE NEWSLETTER - International

No. 561

July 31, 2008

http://republic-bosnia-herzegovina.com/

CONTENT

1. Silajdzic for BBC: Old Bosnian Serb plan 'thriving'

2. A SERBIAN AGENT WITH SWEET WORDS BUT POISONOUS ACTIONS

3. Appendix: BOSNIAN PRESIDENT AGAINST LIFTING OF THE ARMS EMBARGO ON BOSNIA

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1. Old Bosnian Serb plan 'thriving'

Bosnian President Haris Silajdzic says the arrest of Bosnian Serb wartime leader Radovan Karadzic obscures a more important issue - that his "ethnic cleansing" project is still "thriving".

Talking to BBC television's Hardtalk programme, he criticised the Dayton peace deal which ended the 1990s war in Bosnia-Hercegovina.

The following are excerpts from Stephen Sackur's interview with Mr Silajdzic, who was a Bosniak (Bosnian Muslim) leader in the war.

Q: We have seen in recent days the joy of people in Sarajevo, the tears of relief from the families of victims, of those murdered in Srebrenica. What are your feelings when you now reflect on the capture of Karadzic?

I'm especially glad for the families of victims, because at least they have some satisfaction. But then I think the focus should not be on the criminal, but on the crime.

Obviously Karadzic is arrested and his project is not arrested, it's free and thriving, living in Bosnia-Hercegovnia. [Former Yugoslav President Slobodan] Milosevic is dead, Karadzic is arrested, [former Bosnian Serb commander Ratko] Mladic will be arrested hopefully one day - and we have their project thriving.

Q: When people around the world hear that, I think they won't understand it. What do you mean, the project is "thriving"? Patently that isn't true, Bosnia is now in peace.

Bosnia is in peace exactly because that project succeeded. Hundreds of thousands of - at least half a million - people are outside their own country because they have been ethnically cleansed, they're not there, because they were forced to get out under the threat of death. Our constitutional arrangement is such that actually it rewards the aggression and genocide and ethnic cleansing and so on.

Q: But hang on a moment, the situation in Bosnia today is reflective of the agreement which your own Bosnian leadership signed in 1995, the Dayton accords, that is the system under which Bosnia runs today, you signed it.

Exactly. One technical correction - we are Bosniaks. True we are Muslims, but we have a national name, we are Bosniaks. Yes, it was signed, at gunpoint. It was signed, the question is whether it was implemented or not. I say it wasn't implemented. And I'll prove this to you.


The criminal is caught and we leave the money on his account - that is not logical to me
Haris Silajdzic

The crucial part is so-called Annex Seven of the agreement, about the return of refugees and so on in dignity. Now Karadzic, the same man captured now, said he could tolerate in that part of Bosnia - tolerate - up to 10% of non-Serbs, meaning that Bosniaks and Croats are out… Now the level of return today in that part of Bosnia is 8%. So we did not live even up to Karadzic's expectations. That's why I say the project is kicking and alive.

Q: I asked you for your reaction to Karadzic's capture, and you've already taken us right back to the detail of the Dayton accord and what you believe to be the failures of that accord. Many people say to you, Haris Silajdzic, it's time to move on, look forward, not back.

Well, those who'd like to keep that arrangement are looking back. I'm looking toward citizens' representation in Bosnia, not ethnic representation - I think that's looking back.

Q: Are you saying that for you the political future for Bosnia has to rest upon eliminating the Republika Srpska, created under Dayton? That is, the autonomous Serb region inside Bosnia?

By the way, created by that same man Karadzic. He named it himself. So I think it would be a travesty arresting this man and at the same time legalising his project. Yes I have a different future for Bosnia. I'd like to see a Bosnia of the regions, a decentralised state, but based on the economic regions... not based on ethnic regions. It's never been an ethnically divided country. It survived the 15th Century, 16th Century but did not survive the 20th Century as a multi-cultural, multi-ethnic, genuinely ancient multi-cultural world...

I give credit to the new Serbian government, and [Serbian] President [Boris] Tadic himself for doing this [arresting Karadzic]. It's a very good move for all of us, not only Serbia, Bosnia, but the whole region. I think it's turning a new page. I think it'll probably provide the ingredients for catharsis in Serbia itself… to go through real change, to challenge the established paradigms about nation, nationality, Europe and so on....

But again the focus should be on the project. The criminal is caught and we leave the money on his account. That is not logical to me.

Q: A very different perspective and different emotions are heard on the streets of Pale [in Republika Srpska]... Serbs who live in Republika Srpska, many of them feel an unfairness about the process… they say there are Muslims too who are yet to be held to account, who also committed crimes in the terrible years from 1992 to 95. Would you acknowledge that?

Oh, this is equalisation, which is wrong… They were defending themselves. It was a war against civilians, and civilians defended themselves. The crucial difference is what is your intent? The Bosniaks' intent was to defend themselves… In defending themselves they may have committed in some places some things I wouldn't like to hear or see..

When you are attacked, your family is slaughtered before your own eyes, what do you do? Defend yourself. Then the international community imposed an arms embargo not on Milosevic, because he had the arms, but on the victim - the international community, the [UN] Security Council, committed a cosmic moral mistake... not allowing us the right to defend ourselves…

There are politicians in Bosnia using nationalist rhetoric these days, and also trying to belittle symbols of Bosnia, for example throwing the flag of Bosnia publicly from the table… so this equalisation is very dangerous…

Q: ... The international community has become increasingly frustrated with you, sees you as part of the problem, blocking progress toward a reformed, modernised Bosnia…

What was I blocking? I'm fighting all my life for a multi-ethnic Bosnia. Even during the war, I had no nationalist rhetoric, no nationalist feeling. I'm fighting for more centralised power, not a centralised state. But more centralised power... So why would I reject a proposal that amends our constitution? Why?... There's a good reason. That amendment was meant to soften the position of Belgrade on Kosovo. It was compensation for Serbia…

My question is to you - if you sign a contract today and parts of it are ignored what do you do? ...You go back to the law.

Q: The EU is telling you to move on... You can change and modify Dayton, but not throw it into the trash can.

I want to implement it. There are obstructions - by whom? Everybody knows - those who kicked those hundreds of thousands out... So this looking forward into the 21st Century, if it means accepting this fascist ideology then I'm not a forward-looking man…

My strategic objective is the EU and Nato alliance... not because of economic benefit, but because of stability and peace... They can be secured under these two roofs. I'm working on it day and night…

The Karadzic arrest will reveal some more details about the genocide and Srebrenica and will prove that genocide took place in other parts of Bosnia-Hercegovina...

But shall we build our future on the results of ethnic cleansing and genocide?.. I think that's backward-looking…

The international community is in love with the status quo, but sometimes for the sake of stability and peace you have to actually do something, not follow the line of least resistance, and break some eggs to make this omelette.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/7528901.stm

The following is the comment on this interview:

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2. A SERBIAN AGENT WITH SWEET WORDS BUT POISONOUS ACTIONS

By: Muhamed Borogovac, Ph. D.

What is the problem with Dayton? Why has it been so advantageous for the Serbian aggressor, and did not work for Bosnians? The answer is simple: it gave the Serbian aggressors everything they wanted immediately (i.e. change of the constitution) while the return of refugees and other provisions that benefit Bosnians were left for some undefined future. Such unbalanced contracts are commonly known as fraud.

Silajdzic complains that Annex 7 (return of refugees) has not been implemented by some imaginary entity he refers to as the "international community". However, he was the one of those who negotiated and signed the Dayton accord, even though he knew very well no clauses or mechanisms were included that would outline how that part of the agreement would be implemented and by whom. He knew that the sides in any agreement control its implementation, only if they preserve their leverage. I am one of the people who called him to warn him about it. I know at least two other members of Bosnian Congress USA, who begged him not to sign the Dayton accord for those very reasons, and he hung up on us. Prof. Francis Boyle, then legal advisor to the BiH government, had also analyzed the Dayton accord in great detail, and warned against signing it, equating it to total capitulation, which can be found at:

http://www.hdmagazine.com/bosnia/legal/boyle-2e.html

The reason that we called Silajdzic, and not anybody else, was that at that time he publicly acted as if he was in strong opposition to Dayton. He cried to women of Srebrenica: "I will never betray you." In fact, that was just a performance for the Bosnian public meant to keep the Bosnian people feeling secure that Silajdzic would not allow such unscrupulous compromises against Bosnia in Dayton.

The clauses of the Dayton peace agreement that were meant to help the Bosniak people are not implemented because the Bosnian Prime Minister and President (Silajdzic and Izetbegovic) accepted that the Dayton constitution was to be implemented immediately, even before the necessary ratification by the parliament of the Republic Bosnia-Herzegovina. That gave the Serbian side all of the benefits upfront including the ability to veto other clauses of the agreement such as the return of the refugees. This is a catastrophic deceit of people from their own leaders, who actually are Communist operatives installed on the leadership position of Bosnia before the war.

The Clinton administration also had its own shameful role in this dishonorable act the Dayton conspiracy against the victims of genocide, which marred the reputation of the USA regardless of the excuse that "Bosniak leaders signed that agreement". We omit those details as we have discussed them earlier, but the American administration was complicit because it knew that Silajdzic and Izetbegovic worked for the Serbian aggressor and the administration still decided to participate and lend the appearance of credibility to the process that tore apart a country, member of UN, that was a victim of such deeply prepared aggression.

Later, during the adaptation of the laws of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Dayton constitution, the representatives aligned with Silajdzic in the new Bosnian parliament adopted versions of bills that strengthened the partition of the country. This is why former High representative in Bosnia, Ashdown, correctly pointed out in a recent interview in the Bosnian daily Avaz that Bosnia is closer to the point of falling apart now than it was in 1995 when the Dayton agreement was signed.

In his interview to the BBC, Silajdzic stated that Bosnian's hands were tied because "the international community imposed an arms embargo". The truth is that the Silajdzic-Izetbegovic government was responsible for preservation of arms embargo on the army of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Izetbegovic twice rejected arming of the Bosnian Army by the USA. More precisely, the US Congress passed bills that offered to Bosnia unilateral lifting of the arms embargo by the United States, and he rejected those offers. He did so in his address to the UN General Assembly on October 24, 1995 by stating that he wanted the US and the UN to establish a balance of weapons at an impossible lower level (disarmament of Serbian military machine in Bosnia) instead of the offered higher level (providing comparable weapons to the Bosnian Army). He tied the hands of the friends of Bosnia by making it clear that he wished to negotiate with the Serbian aggressors on their terms. For your convenience, we copied that Izetbegovic's speech; see item #3 of this Newsletter.

Therefore, Siladzic is lying to Bosnjaks that our hands were tied by the "international community". The truth is that our hands were tied by Serbian agents Izetbegovic and Silajdzic, who signed the reprehensible (and illegal, by the Bosnian constitution which it replaced) Dayton agreement where everything that the Serbs demanded, including a new constitution that legalized Karadzic's ethnically clean RS, was implemented immediately, while tokens thrown in for the Bosnian people were left for later without any mechanism or intent for ever implementing them. Now Silajdzic feigns patriotism by begging some imaginary "internationa community" to "implement" Dayton, like he did in the above interview.

Address:

Muhamed Borogovac, Ph.D.
42 Bexley Rd.
Roslinadle MA, 02131
Phone: 781-770-0317

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3. Appendix: BOSNIAN PRESIDENT AGAINST LIFTING OF THE ARMS EMBARGO ON BOSNIA

Statement by H.E. President Alija Izetbegovic

The Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina

Special Commemorative Meeting of the General Assembly on the occasion of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the United Nations

October 24, 1995
New York

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Excellencies, distinguished delegates,

The organization of the United Nations, whose anniversary we today celebrate always been a source of our hope, but also a constant cause of our disappointment. Some say that it the largest, but on occasions, the most inefficient body in human history. The number of unimplemented resolutions is a proof of this. Being as it is, our organization probably reflects the imperfection of our world. If the continuous improvement of the world is not work in vain, the further improvement of the United Nations is not only possible but very necessary.

The supreme goal is the maintenance of peace. The United Nations has succeeded in the prevention of global conflict, but it has proved less effective in stopping local ones. The sum of the catastrophic consequences in local wars since the foundation of the United Nations until today has reached a tragic balance with the world wars of this century.

The United Nations acted effectively in stopping the Gulf crisis. Unfortunately, this efficacy has not repeated itself in the case of the aggression against my country. The price of hesitation has been enormous. My people paid this price.

I would like to repeat the words of the Georgian Minister for Foreign Affairs, who at this rostrum, two days ago, stated that "we must have the courage and the will to call an aggressor, an aggressor, and genocide, genocide."

As you know, very often, there has been a lack of either courage or will, and sometimes both.

In several days, the talks on peace in Bosnia will commence. We approach this initiative, undertaken by the United States and its President, with the best of faith and with plenty of hope. Our people need and want peace. We have not started this war, and although we are winning, we have not dreamed of being victors in war. We have always worked towards peace and we would like to be victors in peace.

We want to create a society based on political and ethnic pluralism, the respect for human rights, and private enterprise. Since, on the other side, everything is opposite to this, we are confident that our ideas will triumph in a peaceful game in the next 5 to 10 years. Thanks to the remarkable superiority of our model of society and state we shall win, with God's help.

The Bosnian Government and Army will no accept the division and disintegration of our country, no matter in what packaging it may be served. The division of Bosnia will lead to the continuation of war, immediately or later.

Genuine democratic elections in Bosnia are a big -if not the only- real chance to remove from the commanding political and military functions the war criminals and nationalist fanatics who have caused this war and who will continue to poison the relations between people and nations. In order that this chance for democracy in the Balkans not be wasted, it is necessary to ensure certain conditions. These conditions are freedom and effective international supervision of elections.

If the peace negotiations are concluded successfully, the renovation of the war stricken areas will follow, in particular in Bosnia. The international community is promising significant support to the reconstruction plan. In this connection, I would make one, may be unexpected, proposal: put conditions on this assistance. Send a clear message that the party which will not respect freedoms and human rights, will not receive assistance. And decide that these conditions should be strictly observed. Do not make mistakes again, in the hope that you can buy or improve the criminals and tyrants by new concessions. And take one step further. Isolate the criminals and tyrants. That is the only way.

Those who have lead their people to the path of crime must be removed. Without this there is no peace or security, neither in Bosnia, nor in the region.

We want and have the right to integrate Bosnia, which has been destroyed, not through the will of its people, but through the force of weapons. The Bosniak - Croat Federation is an important step in this direction and all friends of Bosnia should support and assist this project.

In order to achieve peace - and what is more - to maintain it, it is necessary to establish a balance in weaponry. This balance can be established on a higher or lower level. We give the preference to the latter, and we demand the reduction of Serbian heavy weaponry. If the Serbs reject this, the only option is to arm the Bosnian Army, which, so strengthened, will become a factor of peace and stability in the region.

At present, almost all of our cities are within the reach of Serbian artillery. This artillery must be removed or destroyed. We cannot and will not agree to continue to live under permanent threat.

And in the end, in the past two days, many speeches have been delivered in this hall. We have heard nice and noble words on democracy, freedom and all that comes with it. Freedom and justice have been recalled by some of those who have stridden and continue to stride over the basic rights of people and nations.

One of the ancient holy scripts says: "Judge them according to their deeds." Therefore, let us listen to what they are saying, but let us ask them what they are doing. As soon as they return home, unfortunately, they will contiune their course. It is up to us to stop them.

I thank you.
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Sunday, July 27, 2008

NCRBH #559 INTL: JUSTICE FOR SREBRENICA BEFORE RECONCILIATION

National Congress of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina

ONLINE NEWSLETTER - International

No. 559

July 26, 2008

http://republic-bosnia-herzegovina.com/

CONTENT

1. Karadzic will Tell World What Milosevic Could not

2. SREBRENICA – 13 YEARS AFTER

3. FREE SREBRENICA, THEN WE WILL THINK ABOUT RECONCILIATION

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1. Karadzic will Tell World What Milosevic Could not

24.07.08 11:00

Azerbaijan, Baku, 23 July/ TrendNews, corr E. Tariverdiyeva/ The former President of Bosnian Serbs Radovan Karadzic, who is charged with the massacre of Muslims during the ethnic cleansing in Srebrenica will speak in the International Criminal Tribunal of what his predecessor Slobodan Milosevic could not speak, said Francis Boyle, the attorney of Mothers of Srebrenica organization.

An action was brought against Milosevic because of the all crimes he committed and observers waited for the details of his cooperation with the Western ‘mediators’. He died soon of the heart attack in the prison before the decision of the Hague Court.

“So now we have a second chance with Karadzic,” said Boyle, the former official judicial adviser of Bosnian president Alija Izetbegovic and foreign minister Haris Silajdic and representative of the Bosnia government in the International Criminal Court.

The former president of Serbia Radovan Karadzic was arrested on 21 July and the next day the court issued a warrant to bring him before the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Everything is ready for his arrival: a cell has been allotted for Karadzic in UN prison of the Hague prison.

The representative of the Attorney General of ICTY Olga Karvan stated that in 1995 ICTY issued an international order to arrest Karadzic, who hided himself from the UN tribunal for 13 years. “Now the Office of the Attorney General waits for the arrival of Karadzic to the Hague prison of UN as soon as possible,” she said.

In summer of 1995, during the civil war in former Yugoslavian republic Bosnia and Herzegovina, Srebrenica in the central Bosnia got under the control of the army of the Bosnian Serbs which was followed by the ethnic cleansing in the occupied town. The ethnic cleansing killed over 8,000 Bosnian Muslims. ICTY accused the then leader of the Bosnian Serbs Radovan Karadzic of the massacre in Srebrenica.

The US human rights activist Boyle believes that now Karadzic will know everything about how the so-called Western "mediators" aided and abetted him in his ethnic cleansing of the Bosnians: Cyrus Vance, David
Owen, Thorvald Stoltenberg, Richard Holbrooke, Carl Bildt, Yasushi Akashi, Boutros Boutros-Ghali, Kofi Annan, etc.

“So I will be keeping a close eye on these war crimes proceedings in order to use this new information against these people on behalf of my clients the Mothers of Srebrenica,” Boyle, the attorney of Mothers of Srebrenica, protecting their interests in the ICTY, said to TrendNews by e-mail.

The task of this NGO is not to fight for women rights. The task is to search for more than 10,000 people missing in European largest massacre, committed by Bosnian Serb army, on July 11, 1995, in Srebrenica, Bosnia and Herzegovina.

According to Boyle, there are 2 separate indictments against him: the first for the crimes he committed in Bosnia in general; the second for the massacre at Srebrenica in July 2005.

Boyle is sure that Karadzic He will get a fair trial and an opportunity to defendhimself. In the course of his defense I am sure he will bring out the evidence of complicity by these Western "mediators" in order to absolve his own behavior. That will not make a difference to his own guilt or innocence,” Boyle said.

The lawyer is sure that but he will be able to use his new information against these Western "mediators" and diplomats in order to hold them accountable to my clients the Mothers of Srebrenica and Podrinja for the massacre. At the end of the day Karadzic will be spending the rest of his life in prison, where he should have been for quite some time in any event,” Boyle said.

Boyle was the one who convinced the former ICTY Prosecutor Carla DelPonte to indict Slobodan Milosevic for every crime in the ICTY Statute for the massacre at Srebrenica, including genocide.

According to lawyer, earlier the arrest of Karadzic was undesirable, but possible for West.

In Geneva during the peace negotiations, President Izetbegovic had to go in and shake hands with Karadzic. I walked right past him--I wasn't going to shake his hand because he's a mass murderer and a criminal. And he has been given visas to come and negotiate in Geneva. And in New York. The State Department let Karadzic come to New York to the Vance-Owen carve-up negotiations, with a US visa. The State Department was obliged under the Geneva Convention to apprehend Karadzic, Boyle said. The US had an absolute obligation to apprehend Karadzic if he showed up in New York, and to open an investigation, and to prosecute--instead, they're giving him a visa and secret service protection in New York, he said. “They defended military criminals and those who committed genocide. These are big powers,” Boyle said.

The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was established by UN in 1993. It is located in the city of Hague of Holland; therefore it is called the Hague. It was established to try those who committed military crimes during the Balkan conflict in mid-1990s.

In 1994, over 160 people were brought before the Tribunal in Hague including both rank-and-file soldiers and generals with the Serbs and Croatians accounting for the greater proportion of them.

“As Bosnian Prime Minister, Haris Silajdzic stated,if you kill one person, you're prosecuted. If you kill ten people, you're a celebrity; if you kill a quarter-of a-million people, you're invited to a peace conference,” Boyle said.

The correspondent can be contacted at: trend@trend.az
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2. SREBRENICA – 13 YEARS AFTER

Jelko Kacin, MEP,

Member of the European Parliament (LDS/ALDE/ADLE)
Member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the EP and
Rapporteur of the EP for Serbia

On Friday, the eleventh of July, I took part in the commemoration on the anniversary of the massacre and burial of 308 Bosniak victims of the Srebrenica genocide that had been identified in the past year. At the cemetery in Potocari, tens of thousands of people gathered and remembered the thousands of innocent victims, and accompanied the remains of the victims on their last journey. Before the burial, many acclaimed figures, mostly politicians, gave a speech, headed by the presiding Chair of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Haris Silajdžic, the American Ambassador Charles English, and the high representative of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Miroslav Lajcák, and the vice-president of the European Parliament (EP) Diana Wallis, together with whom I represented the European Parliament. As many others, we laid down flowers and reflected on Srebrenica today. My contemplations are dedicated to the living that struggle with poverty and dream of a future.

Although the name of the city, linked to silver mining, points to a bright past, the present is not nearly as promising.

On Friday, the President of the Government of Republika Srpska (RS), Milorad Dodik, who could have contributed greatly (and decisively) to the soothing and placating of spirits with his presence, was not to be found in Potocari. The next day, however, he was able to come to Srebrenica and take part in a Serbian gathering in the Cultural House in the center of town. The unfortunate Bosniaks had thirteen years ago found themselves, in great numbers, at the wrong time and in the wrong place, in a protected area, and were cruelly disposed of in the aggressive action of »the liberation of Srebrenica from the Turks«, as the then-commanding Ratko Mladic said coldly, and added a frightening conclusion: »»Now the time has come for us Serbs to remind the Turks of what they had been doing to us for centuries…« …« .

The Bosniaks, of course, never had been Turks, since they are part of the Slavic population, which in Bosnia and Herzegovina adheres to three faiths: orthodox christianity, roman catholicism, and islam. Whereas the situation in Sandžak in Serbia and in the north of Montenegro is completely different regarding the peaceful co-existence of different ethnicities, relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina are still very tense. How could they be any different? The best illustration of the current situation, in my opinion, is a thought expressed by a young Bosniak during our conversations with the youth of Srebrenica. »I find it impossible to accept the claim that I live in Republika Srpska, because I live in Bosnia and Herzegovina – but my Serbian neighbor and friend, he cannot accept Bosnia and Herzegovina, because he lives in Republika Srpska.«

Serbia's President, Boris Tadic, publicly condemns the crimes, acknowledges the genocide and apologizes, but his colleagues from Republika Srpska are far from this. The statement that Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadžic are most likely (obviously) in Serbia, made by the British Ambassador days after this are therefore important and reflect the evident two-facedness of the countries in the region regarding their arrest and extradition to the Hague. »More light, more action!«, one could paraphrase Goethe. Without full co-operation of all countries in the region with the Hague Tribunal, there will be no settling down and no European future. Is it not perverse that in the previous government of Koštunica, the only non-Serb, a Bosniak, Rasim Ljajic, was the only one responsible for co-operating with The Hague? These countries, and in particular the less developed areas, populated by Bosniaks, are in dire need of development aid and programs for rural development, which can be guaranteed by the EU. Thus the EU is both the means for, as well as the direction to, the future. The only question is – when?

On Tuesday, mothers from Srebrenica and Žepe in Nova Kasaba laid down flowers at the place where Serbs, disguised as members of the UN Peacekeeping forces, tricked Bosniak refugees to gather at a football court by the river. On the road from Srebrenica, they were joined by the most exhausted and despaired, hoping for an end to agony and for safety, by those who were unable to travel over the river Jadar to the hills and onwards to Tuzla. From there, two thousand boys and men were taken to the killing fields.

In the town Kravice, in the neighboring municipality of Bratunac, only a few kilometers away from Potocari, by the building of the former Agricultural Co-Operative, where Bosniaks from Srebrenica were cruelly tortured, they were not allowed to lay down their flowers. The local inhabitants were opposed to this, and so the mothers and widows were stopped by a cordon of RS police.

As long as anywhere in Bosnia and Herzegovina, laying down flowers in the memory of those killed in war will be a problem, there will be problems there, as well as in neighboring countries and EU member states.

Diana and I decided to suggest to the President's Conference, which prepares and coordinates the work of the EP, to invite the youth of Srebrenica, from both communities, to Brussels. We hope that days of living together, on the road to as well as in the EU, within the framework of EU institutions, will enable them to discover the history, the mistakes, and the revelations of Western Europe. Perhaps this will create new opportunities for dialogue and understanding. Measures – and much effort – are needed to create trust where there is none. Who could do this, if not the youth?

Source: IFIMES, Ljubljana, Slovenia
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3. JUSTICE FOR SREBRENICA BEFORE RECONCILIATION

Dear Mrs. Wallis and Mr. Kacin,

We hope that your intention was not malicious when you invited "the young people of Srebrenica from both ethnic communities" to gather socially. That is truly a terrible idea because the result of such a gathering can only be that young Bosniaks from Srebrenica will be victimized again. Namely, the majority of young Serbs from Srebrenica idolize Karadzic and Mladic. On the other hand, most of the young Bosniaks have lost their families in the genocide. They are a broken and conquered people, genocide survivors, and they probably would not refuse a request from important people from Europe, although such an event would humiliate them. Justice has not been done in Srebrenica, and you cannot have reconciliation while the victims are still victims and perpetrators have achieved their goals.

Real reconciliation will only be possible when justice is done, and the entity Republic of the Serbs, whose forces committed the genocide in the process of its own creation, no longer rules over Srebrenica; when it no longer is able to cloud the minds of the young people there by making heroes out of war criminals and enemies out of victims; when the lesson that conquest and ethnic cleansing are rewarded is finally shown to be untrue in Srebrenica.

It is humiliating to ask a victim to forgive a horrible crime without first getting those who benefited from it apologize and more importantly do everything possible to correct the effects of that crime. The principal motive for the genocide was to put Srebrenica under the control of Republika Srpska, and until that is corrected, there cannot be reconciliation, only further humiliation of the victims.

Dr. Muhamed Borogovac

Wednesday, July 23, 2008

No birdsong breaks the silence in woods haunted by the ghosts of mass murder

source: http://www.bosnia.org.uk/news/news_body.cfm?newsid=2435

Author: Anthony Loyd
Uploaded: Wednesday, 23 July, 2008

Graphic reminder of the terrible, genocidal hatred deliberately ignited and stoked by Radovan Karadzic, by the author of one of the best books written on the war in Bosnia

The fruits of Radovan Karadzic’s hate lay thick in the dense forest west of Srebrenica. Even one year after the July 1995 massacre of more than 7,500 Bosnian Muslims, the ground in the forest was littered with bones.

Some had been killed in ambushes as they attempted to flee the enclave. Their skeletons formed trails along the failed escape routes. Every now and then a single corpse would stand out among the rest. At one point, at a track junction among the trees, the body of a man in a pinstripe suit had been lashed with barbed wire to a concrete post. There were no bullet marks on the post. Knives had been used.

Among many of the local Serbs in those remote eastern Bosnian villages, a cult of the dead still lingered. It was not just the old who believed in vampires and ghosts and there was widespread credence that the spirit remained near the body for at least a year after death. So for the most part only a few woodsmen ventured into the hills where so many Muslims were killed the previous summer, and the forest remained silent, eerie and empty. I can’t remember any birdsong.

Yet if they were frightened of ghosts, the Serbs had little respect for the bodies. The drivers of the timber trucks that worked the forest lanes preferred to grind the corpses under their wheels rather than roll them away.

Most victims lay not among the trees but in mass graves, having been rounded up, executed in batches and bulldozed into the soil. Most had been driven by coach to the execution sites. Blindfolded, their hands tied together, they were mown down in lines by Serb death squads. The coach drivers – civilians – were then ordered to administer a coup de grâce with a pistol, ensuring their complicity and silence.

It was probably not a task they found distasteful. For Dr Karadzic’s greatest success in Bosnia, one that still outlives his failed war strategy, was his genesis of Serb loathing.

It knew no age barrier. I remember one wounded Bosnian soldier who did manage to escape from Srebrenica telling me that an elderly Serb man had discovered him lying in a hedgerow, exhausted, unarmed, and with gunshot wounds to his arm.

The pensioner beat him with a crowbar, then went away to fetch a knife with which to finish him off. The soldier crawled away and saw the man return, crowbar in one hand, knife in the other, beating the hedge line as if searching for a wounded animal.

There was no compassion or quarter given during those terrible July days of 1995. A handful of wounded men crawled out from the mass graves at night, but hardly anyone survived.

If the scale of Srebrenica was unusual, the genocidal passions behind it were by then familiar. From the start of the war Dr Karadzic had conjured a pathological hatred among the state’s Serbs for Bosnia’s majority Muslim population – Balija, as they were pejoratively known. He engendered his rabid brand of nationalism through a combination of fear and history. Harking back through Bosnia’s fratricidal experiences of the Second World War to the days of the Ottoman Empire, he offered the vision of a Greater Serbia as the only sanctuary against the contrived threat of a new Islamic State.

‘Do unto them now as they shall surely do to you tomorrow,’ was his call. Thus it was that 10,000 died in the Sarajevo siege; women and children were killed for sport by snipers; rape became a weapon of war; massacre was established as a necessary component of ‘ethnic cleansing’ – the new euphemism for purge and pogrom; concentration camps reappeared on European soil; and killing begat killing until by the war’s conclusion more than 200,000 were dead.

If only the Srebrenica victims were my most salient memory of that hatred. They are not.

In the last days of the war I saw something in the yawning doorway of a derelict house outside Sanski Most, in western Bosnia, that 13 years later still zips through my mind untouched by time. The garden outside was an overgrown tangle of grass and a hot afternoon sun bleached the colour from the walls of the building, earlier burnt by advancing Serb troops. A sweet stench weighted the breeze. By then I had seen hundreds of bodies, most Muslim, most civilian, murdered out of combat by knife or bullet. Even so, I was unprepared for what waited in that house.

For a few moments after walking through the door I could not understand what I was looking at. The walls and ceiling appeared splattered in black, undefinable lumps, the floor was concealed by a gateau of twisted limbs and swollen torsos. It was as if an abstract charcoal sketch by Goya had come to life. Slowly, as my eyes became accustomed to the light, I could make out that there were 12 bodies. Then I saw their heads, or what was left of them. For these 12 men had been killed with a sledgehammer.

Before and since I have seen greater numbers of victims of execution. But the level of effort and involvement and hatred required to shepherd 12 men into a room, then smash in their heads with a hammer, left more of an impression than the horror of the mutilation itself and transcended the mere scale of murder.

Separated by time and geography from the scene of crime, Dr Karadzic looks an unlikely war criminal. Even the crimes with which he is charged sound clinical – until the memories come back, and ‘ethnic cleansing’ and ‘genocide’ stop being words but walls coated in skull fragments and brain.

This article appeared in The Times (London), 23 July 2008


Tuesday, June 17, 2008

WERE MEN AND BOYS ONLY VICTIMS OF SREBRENICA GENOCIDE?

According to the Association of rape victims in Sarajevo, Zene - Zrtve Rata (Women - Victims of War), hundreds of women and underage girls were documented to be raped during Srebrenica massacre. The Serb troops abused women and even children who they had herded into makeshift enclosures. Due to cultural stigma attached to rape, many women refused to testify against the rapists.

There were also reports of babies being taken away from their mothers and killed. Sabaheta Fejzic's testimony is a sad one [click here to read testimony re-published from German Der Spiegel]. She witnessed Serb soldiers indiscriminately taking girls, boys, and men out of camp. They also took her husband and tore her young son from her arms. She never saw either one of them again.

According to the Secretary-General's Report, A/54/549, quote:

"389. The same day, one of the Dutchbat soldiers, during his brief stay in Zagreb upon return from Serb-held territory, was quoted as telling a member of the press that 'hunting season [is] in full swing'... it is not only men supposedly belonging to the Bosnian Government who are targeted... women, including pregnant ones, children and old people aren't spared. Some are shot and wounded, others have had their ears cut off and some women have been raped." (source: The United Nations)

A Dutch Bat medical orderly witnessed a rape, quote:

"[W]e saw two Serb soldiers, one of them was standing guard and the other one was lying on the girl, with his pants off. And we saw a girl lying on the ground, on some kind of mattress. There was blood on the mattress, even she was covered with blood. She had bruises on her legs. There was even blood coming down her legs. She was in total shock. She went totally crazy." (source: Prosecutor vs. Krstic Judgement)

As a result of exhaustive UN negotiations with Serb troops, roughly 20,000 women were forcibly deported (ethnically cleansed) from Srebrenica. Had UN negotiations with Serb troops failed, most Srebrenica women would likely meet the fate of Srebrenica men and boys. Some busses never reached the safety. For example, according to the witness accounts given by Srebrenica Massacre survivor - Kadir Habibovic - who hid himself on one of the first buses taking women and children from the Dutch United Nations base in Potocari to government-held territory in Kladanj, "Habibovic saw at least one vehicle full of Muslim women being driven away from Bosnian government-held territory." [source: David Rohde, eyewitness]

One of his captors at one point complained that they were not getting a good choice of the Muslim women from Srebrenica. Habibovic's account corroborates reports from refugees that many Srebrenica women were raped by Bosnian Serb soldiers. Habibovic said the men were taken to a remote location near Rasica Gai late in the evening. When the first group was taken from the truck and shot, he said he leapt from the truck and tumbled down a nearby slope.

Gunfire from the soldiers missed him and he escaped. He later heard a large amount of gunfire, which he believes were the other prisoners being killed. He reached government-held territory on Aug 20, with his wounds still fresh. Hague officials say that the tribunal's progress in dealing with rape has come from three factors - the courage of the victims and witnesses who testified, the tenacity of the prosecuting lawyers, and the years of tireless lobbying by pressure groups. The breakthrough came when prosecutors established that these rapes were entirely foreseeable.

Judges agreed that the generals in charge should have reasonably predicted that, under these conditions, the sexual assaults were likely. It was concluded that any rapes that took place in Srebrenica were therefore the fault of the commanders. Hague officials say that the tribunal's progress in dealing with rape has come from three factors - the courage of the victims and witnesses who testified, the tenacity of the prosecuting lawyers, and the years of tireless lobbying by pressure groups.

Here are some excerpts from the ICTY's (International Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia) 260 page-rulling in the case of Prosecutor vs. Krstic which resulted in Srebrenica genocide verdict:

43. Killings occurred.In the late morning of 12 July 1995, a witness saw a pile of 20 to 30 bodies heaped up behind the Transport Building in Potocari, alongside atractor-like machine. Another testified that, at around 1200 hours on 12 July, he saw a soldier slay a child with a knife in the middle of a crowd of expellees. He also said that he saw Serb soldiers execute more than a hundred Bosnian Muslim men in the area behind the Zinc Factory and then load their bodies onto a truck, although the number and methodical nature of the murders attested to by this witness stand in contrast to other evidence on the Trial Record that indicates that the killings in Potocari were sporadic in nature.

44. As evening fell, the terror deepened.Screams, gunshots and other frightening noises were audible throughout the night and no one could sleep. Soldiers were picking people out of the crowd and taking them away: some returned; others did not. Witness T recounted how three brothers – one merely a child and the others in their teens – were taken out in the night. When the boys’ mother went looking for them, she found them with their throats slit.

46. Bosnian Muslim refugees nearby could see the rape, but could do nothing about it because of Serb soldiers standing nearby. Other people heard women screaming, or saw women being dragged away. Several individuals were so terrified that they committed suicide by hanging themselves. Throughout the night and early the next morning, stories about the rapes and killings spread through the crowd and the terror in the camp escalated.

150. On 12 and 13 July 1995, upon the arrival of Serb forces in Potocari, the Bosnian Muslim refugees taking shelter in and around the compound were subjected to a terror campaign comprised of threats, insults, looting and burning of nearby houses, beatings, rapes, and murders.

517. More significantly, rapes and killings were reported by credible witnesses and some committed suicide out of terror. The entire situation in Potocari has been depicted as a campaign of terror. As an ultimate suffering, some women about to board the buses had their young sons dragged away from them, never to be seen again.



source: http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2008/06/were-men-and-boys-only-victims-of.html

Wednesday, June 11, 2008

SERB VICTIMS OF SERBIAN GOVERNMENT PROPAGANDA

PHOTO CAPTION: These innocent victims of Serbian terrorism, Predrag (7) and Danka (4) Sekulovic, where killed on Sep. 13, 1992 when their parent's truck came on an anti-tank mine, which was placed by the Bosnian Serb Army in the village of Bakic on the road to Foca to block communication between largely Muslim villages in the area. These innocent children were conveniently branded as the victims of "Muslim terror," and their photos were repeatedly featured on Srebrenica genocide denial web sites to justify genocide against the Bosniaks. It is important to note that these children are not even from Srebrenica. It is equally important to note that in Sarajevo alone, over 1,500 children of all ethnicities were killed by the Bosnian Serb Army that used air-modified bombs to bombard Sarajevo citizens.

Serbian activists have been supplying the internet with photos of slain individuals claiming to be Serb victims of the so called "Muslim terror" around Srebrenica. These activists are no strangers to controversy, as they are also known to misuse photos of dead Bosniaks - who were slaughtered in neighbouring Muslim villages around Srebrenica - and portray them as "Serb victims."

In order to justify Srebrenica genocide, the Serbian government propaganda - under the leadership of right-wing nationalist Milivoje Ivanisevic - claimed that over 3,000 Serb civilians were murdered around Srebrenica. Throughout the internet, followers of this denial 'cult' have been posting and re-posting same old photos of Serbian civilians and soldiers who died throughout of Bosnia-Herzegovina and attributing their deaths to the crimes of "Muslims of Srebrenica." Ivanisevic, who inspired this movement, is well known as an unrepentant Srebrenica genocide denier; we wrote about his distortions of facts extensively (part 1, part 2, part 3).

These types of propagandists will do anything to prove their point, even if that means misusing the photos of slaughtered Bosniak Muslim civilians. Recently, we reported the case of a Serbian nationalist newspaper misusing the photos of Bosniak Muslim victims by presenting them as photos of Serb victims of the so called "Muslim-Croat terror" (
more info). But, they not only misusing photos of Bosniak victims of genocide - they also misuse photos of individual war crimes against the Bosnian Serb civilians. The saddest example of such marketing practice includes photos of two Bosnian Serb children, Predrag (7) and Danka Sekulovic (4) who were killed on Sep. 13, 1992 when their parent's truck came on an anti-tank mine, which was placed by the Bosnian Serb Army in the village of Bakic on the road to Foca to block communication between largely Muslim villages in the area.

The image you see on top of this article was reproduced from the book titled: "The Eradication of Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina" and sold by anti-Semitic
Serbian Defense League web site which claims that Jews committed crimes against the Serbs by "...using 'holocaust' analogy to deceive countries in which they live into letting them use their resources in commission of crimes world-wide." No comment needed to such offensive anti-Semitic allegations.

It is important to know that the Serb allegations of 3,000+ "Serb victims of Muslim terror in Srebrenica" have been discredited on numerous occasions by the International Criminal Tribunal (more info), the internationally-backed Research and Documentation Center (more info), and even Serbia's Human Rights Watch (more info). Not to mention another allegation centred around alleged beheading of a Serb soldier Rade Rogic, who turned out to be Bosnian soldier, Mustafa Hadzipasic, who was ambushed, beheaded and videotaped by the Serbian (para) military thugs during operation Sanski Most in 1995. The "Rade Rogic beheading" video is still extensively used by ultra-nationalist Serb web sites to justify Srebrenica genocide (even though the event did not take place in Srebrenica, and the person beheaded was not a Serb soldier).

One of favorite and most referenced claims used by the Serbian government propaganda is an allegation made by the Toronto Star journalist, Bill Schiller, who allegedly met Srebrenica defender, Naser Oric, in 1994 when Oric. At that time, Oric allegedly boasted about his military victories against the Bosnian Serb soldiers in surrounding ethnically cleansed Muslim villages around Srebrenica. In 1995, Schiller claimed:

"There were burning houses, dead bodies, severed heads, and people fleeing. Oric grinned throughout, admiring his handiwork. 'We ambushed them,' he said when a number of dead Serbs appeared on the screen. The next sequence of dead bodies had been done in by explosives: "We launched those guys to the moon,' he boasted."

Dead Serb soldiers and severed heads from grenade shrapnels, but no word that those same villages were filled with Muslim mass graves from which Muslims were ethnically cleansed earlier in 1992? Naser Oric had every right to attack and recapture those villages.

Why hasn't Schiller visited Sarajevo where the Bosnian Serb Army slaughtered over 1,500 children? Had he went to Sarajevo in 1995, he could have seen severed bodies of Bosniak Muslims lying on the street and blown by air modified bombs launched from the Serb positions around Sarajevo. Recently, a former Serb General and a terrorist Dragoljub Milosevic has recently been convicted on 5 counts of terrorism against Sarajevo citizens by the International Criminal Tribunal. Another terrorist and a former Serb General, Stanislav Galic was also convicted on terror charges against Sarajevo citizens by the same UN court.

Every time Bosniaks responded to Serb attacks to defend themselves, there was another 'cavalier' attempting to equalize legitimate struggle of Srebrenica's population with brutal attacks of the Bosnian Serb Army. It seems the West, and journalists like Schiller, hoped that the Bosniaks would sit silent in Srebrenica without responding to the Serb attacks, while Serbs were bombarding Srebrenica enclave and cutting off humanitarian aid?

Schiller failed to focus on a bigger picture and write a story or two about the human catastrophe facing starving Bosniak population of Srebrenica which was bombarded by the Serbs from surrounding ethnically cleansed Muslim villages. In 1992, Serbs expelled Bosniaks from their villages around Srebrenica, and used those villages to set up military bases from which they launched brutal attacks on Srebrenica.

Nonetheless to say, not even one word of Schiller's story was corroborated by the evidence, and Schiller was a "no show" at the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia.

While masterminds of Srebrenica genocide, Gen Ratko Mladic and former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic, are still on the run; the Hague Court managed to convict Naser Oric for failing to prevent individual war crimes with respect to the murders of 4-6 Serbs in Srebrenica. One cannot even compare individual war crimes against the Serbs with the crimes of Genocide against the Bosniaks. At least 8,000 and up to 10,000 Bosniaks perished - among them, many defenceless children.

The indicted Serb war criminals and masterminds of genocide, Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic, are still on the run and widely believed to be protected by the Serbian Orthodox Church.

source: http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2008/06/serb-victims-of-serbian-government.html

Friday, May 2, 2008

By Legalizing Republika Srpska's Constitution Dayton Legalized Genocide

By Legalizing Republika Srpska's Constitution Dayton Legalized Genocide

Author: Edin Sarcevic - interviewed in Slobodna Bosna
Uploaded: Tuesday, 12 June, 2001

Edin Sarcevic of the University of Leipzig's law faculty discusses ways in which the existing constitutional set-up in post-Dayton B-H is in contradiction with principles of international law

Q. What would be the legal procedure for changing the existing constitutional arrangement in Bosnia-Herzegovina?

A. The Dayton Peace Accord cannot be changed by altering only one part of it. From the point of view of legal science, most of it would have to be annulled, especially Annex 4. The existing constitutional system should be proclaimed invalid, or replaced by a new B-H constitution whose framework should be formulated outside of B-H. The framework could be established by consensus within the international community, or a new one could be proposed by any country in the world by reference to its own constitutional norms which proved effective in similar circumstances. For example, German legal theory can provide valid proposals, given its experience with Nazism and the annulment of the results of the Nazi period. An agreement regarding the content of a new B-H constitution would have to be reached within B-H, however. It would have to be an agreement between the 'constituent nations', citizens and the High Representative.

Q. Your analysis of the Dayton agreement points to a series of systemic legal errors due to which it is impossible to implement it.

A. Dayton Bosnia-Herzegovina is based on the premise that it is possible to harmonize extreme nationalism and the civic principle of the legal state. The experience of Dayton Bosnia-Herzegovina proves that it is possible to transform the crime of genocide into a fundamental principle of state and legal order, as shown by the existence of Republika Srpska. In other words, the Dayton agreement is internally contradictory from the legal point of view. We have a state created by agreement between three ethnic communities organized into two entities, and which can never lead to a legally consolidated structure. During the past six years the conflict between these two principles has been multiplying the original errors, and cannot develop into an integral state-legal system. The abstract B-H citizens do not exist as political subjects. According the reports produced by foreign legal experts, citizens as political subjects form some 8 or 9% of the total population of Bosnia-Herzegovina.

The Dayton Accords pretend to base themselves on the principle of legal state, but this principle is in contradiction with the primacy of the ethnic principle. In the Dayton agreement there is no separation between the ethnic and non-ethnic spheres of interests. There is no constitutional protection of the non-ethnic spheres, such as telecommunications, railways, protection of state borders, external trade: in the sea of legal absurdities characteristic of post-war Bosnia-Herzegovina they have all become transformed into ethnic collective rights. We have Serb, Croat and Bosniak railways, electrical power generation, and privatization processes. Annex 4 of the B-H constitution provides no answers to these absurdities, since the constitution expresses simultaneously the demand for the establishment of a legal state and the legal and political diktat of the ethnos.

Q. Which international legal instruments could be used to annul parts or the whole of the Dayton agreement?

A. The Dayton agreement is an international agreement. The B-H constitutional court has established that the Vienna convention of 1980 applies to it, which means that changes or the annulment of the Dayton agreement can be realized only within its framework. It can be annulled only if one signatory country - FRY, Croatia or the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina - were to decide that the agreement, in one of its points vital for the existence of Dayton Bosnia, is contrary to its own internal legal rules; or that there was a fallacy in regard to the subject of the agreement; or that one or more state representatives were acting under coercion or had been bribed or cheated. The case would then be heard by the International Court of Justice in The Hague, which is at present dealing with the B-H charge of genocide against FRY. In my view there are many grounds for initiating the procedure for the annulment of the agreement, but the B-H state due to its internal arrangement and the political madness which characterizes the politicians and officials of the 'constituent nations' is not in position to take a decision in this regard. The political elites in Croatia and FRY have profited from the Dayton agreement at Bosnia's expense, and have no reason for abolishing it.

Q. The legal and political circles of RS do not wish to talk of change, since in their view Dayton has 'given the Serbs a Serb state'. Can you envisage a possibility of agreement between RS and the Federation regarding the revision or annulment of Annex 4?

A. There are several ways in which the B-H constitution could be changed. One could do so through the legal institutions created by the Dayton agreement. We have in Bosnia the last European Kaiser in the shape of the authority of the High Representative and his camarilla. We are talking of
imperial prerogatives, in that the HR can bring in laws which the B-H parliament can only confirm, but not contest. The will of the citizens to whom the law applies is also excluded. The Bosnian Kaiser is responsible only to God as represented by the international community.
The Bosnian Kaiser does play a positive role when he tries to remove the inconsistencies of the Dayton agreement by strengthening the civic principle of state legitimacy, like for example the decision by the B-H constitutional court regarding the principle of national legal equality in the country as a whole. There are many cases, however, which indicate that the international community is not willing to rectify the mistakes of Dayton. This is visible in their persistent postponement of the necessary changes in the RS constitution, which they have covered up by creating the Commission for Protection of the National Interests of the Constituent Peoples (CPNICP), instead of trying to revise the RS constitution by bringing it into conformity with the institutional norms of the Federation. The RS constitution is the legal heir of the illegal set-up created in 1992, which provided the framework for conducting genocide against the Bosniaks.

Q. Whenever one mentions the crime of genocide to the Western diplomats in Sarajevo, one is told that this is being 'emotional'. What is the legal basis for the statement that the RS constitution is intimately linked to the genocide against the Bosniaks?

A. The present-day RS constitution is a formal codification of the wartime legal setup, which was legalized by the Dayton agreement. The basic premise of the RS constitution, as established by the B-H constitutional court with its decision regarding national equality, is that it protects the results of genocide and ethnic cleansing. Speaking as a German legal expert I could cite the decision of the German federal constitutional court which, in its decision of December 2000 whereby it sentenced a Serb to twenty years in prison for genocide, has established that ethnic cleansing is a legal component of the act of genocide. The International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague has brought charges of genocide against generals Radislav Krstic and Ratko Mladic for war crimes. In this way a logical, political and legal tie has been established between RS and genocide. RS is a product of genocide: those who wish to dispute this should come up with legally valid arguments. The result of genocide can be alleviate in part by allowing the other constituent nations and the national minorities to share power in RS with the Serbs.

Q. Could the Commission for Protection of the Interests of the Constituent Peoples in RS, which was launched by the International Working Group with Petritsch's support, initiate a process leading to the removal of the results of ethnic cleansing and genocide in RS?

A. The establishment of this commission is one of the many absurdities. This procedure will not bring about harmonization of the entities' constitutions at the level of B-H. No amount of legal fantasies can make it equal in status to the parliamentary body which in the Federation is called the Chamber of Peoples, and which does not exist in RS. The Commission is meant to help implement the decision of the B-H constitutional court regarding national equality, which is quite absurd. The only rational way forward is to redraft the RS constitution by establishing there a second Chamber, which would safeguard the equality of the constituent peoples. In doing what he is doing, the HR is in fact undermining the will and intention of the B-H constitutional court.

Q. Some Federation politicians and some Americans believe that banning the SDS would open the path for revision of the Dayton agreement.

A. This is no solution. The banning of a party cannot remove the political mentality which rules in RS. Taken as a whole, RS is today united around the idea that it is the state of the Serb people and that everything is allowed in the defence of its existence. This is the context which allows us to situate the establishment of concentration camps, mass murder and deportation of Bosniaks and Croats as well as the recent events in Trebinje and Banja Luka. The brutal crimes and violence are a consequence of the internal consensus embracing the greater part of the Serb ethnic body. A ban on SDS would not suspend the mentality projected by other parties whose names carry the prefix 'Serb'.

Q. Is there a solution for the problem of implementing the Dayton agreement in Republika Srpska?

A. The Dayton agreement in its key provisions - the return of the refugees and the removal of the results of ethnic cleansing and fascistic nationalist programmes - has proved impotent. After six years of its existence it has become a basis for legalizing genocide and a stimulus for further ambitions aimed at killing policies favouring the social integration of Bosnia-Herzegovina. This is why a climate that would permit the implementation of the Dayton agreement could be created in RS in only two ways: by force or by a long-term denazification of the Serb corpus in B-H and FRY. The replacement of officials by OSCE or OHR, or appeals to and evocation of democratic norms, make no sense. I favour denazification through confrontation with and education of the Serb intellectual, religious, military and political elites, in relation to the results of ethnic cleansing and genocide. Srebrenica and Keraterm should become places for the education of young Serb generations concerning the criminal aspects of recent Serb history, not Bosniak memorial centres. The new generations of Bosnian Serbs who would be able to confront Serb crimes and their results would provide a real force also for implementation of the Dayton Accords. The process of denazification of Serb society is also necessary for combating extremist religious and political leaders among the Croats and Bosniaks, those who support the idea of ethnically pure territories and a final division of Bosnia-Herzegovina.

Q. What is the potential of the Law on Truth and Reconciliation and of the related Commission?

A. This is a policy of sweeping under the carpet and preventing the peoples of Bosnia-Herzegovina from facing up to their crimes. It means leaving the Serb people in the conviction that killings, deportations and the destruction of other people's heritage and values are a patriotic duty and heroism.

Q. The leaders of the Alliance for Change are trying to improve the situation by global political activity focussed on integration into the Council of Europe and the European Union. Sead Avdic, one of the SDP leaders, has recently stated that the violence witnessed in Trebinje and Banja Luka would not have happened if B-H had been a member of the Council of Europe.

A. One has to be politically and legally blind not to see that B-H is a completely archaic society in comparison to Europe. European standards are completely alien to us. Europe is not interested in Bosnia. The mentality nurtured by the Bosnian peoples has no place in Europe. Europe needs stability and peace in B-H for its own sake, not for the sake of the Bosnian peoples. This is why Europe is happy with the Dayton agreement which means that it need not be too bothered with the country and its neighbours, other than some formal aid to its institutions. How can Bosnia join Europe when it is easier in it to stone a neighbour than it is to gain permission to shoot a mad dog in Germany.

Q. Do you see among your Bosnian colleagues people capable of creating normal legal institutions in B-H by working through the existing institutions?

A. There are some good young people studying at the departments of law. They are not to be found, however, in the offices of the High Representative, by contrast with those whose only quality is ethnic membership. There you just have highly paid poor legal experts and good demagogues. Those who have the patience to read the separate statements of the judges of the Constitutional Court will note a low level of legal literacy. The judges act here not as guardians of law but as guardians of the ethnos. The legal expert is first of all a nationalist whose competence is measured by his ability to violate legal logic and constitutional standards. The Alliance for Change is also a prisoner of the Dayton system and will meet its fate within the ambit of the Dayton agreement.

Q. By accident you were born and grew up in the same street in Sanski Most as Mladen Ivanic, the current prime minister of RS. Does your knowledge of him help you to understand which way his policy is going?

A. Mladen Ivanic's economic ideas are in contradiction with the policy which he advocates as a politician. The policy which his government is pursuing is a continuation of the Great Serb policy previously pursued by Radovan Karadzic. Regardless of what he himself thinks of the Great Serb policy, the government which he heads has stated that the recent elections were won by patriotic forces, by which it means the SDS; and that the principle of 'one man, one vote' is inappropriate for B-H. Mladen Ivanic, after all, neither during nor after the war has ever publicly denounced the killing and deportation of his neighbours from Sanski Most or of the non-Serbs from RS.

***

Edin Sarcevic teaches at the law faculty of the University of Leipzig. He was born in Sanski Most and studied law at the universities of Sarajevo and Belgrade. He gained a Ph.D. from the University of Saarbrucken on the subject of legal state. His dissertation was proclaimed the best work on the
subject in Saarland and won him a state prize. He became assistant lecturer in the department of public law of the University of Leipzig, where he teaches four subjects including the philosophy of law. He has published four books in German: The Legal State; The Federal State - a Principle; The Final Phase of Constitutional Life in Bosnia-Herzegovina; and Religious Freedom and Ezan in German Constitutional Law. He is at present writing a book on whether the establishment of a state's constitution can be realized by way of international law. He is known as a consistent critic of the Dayton Peace Accords and a supporter of the annulment of the Bosnia-Herzegovina's constitution based on Annex 4.
This interview has been translated from Slobodna Bosna (Sarajevo), 24 May 2001

source: http://www.bosnia.org.uk/news/news_body.cfm?newsid=1534

Tuesday, April 29, 2008

Clinton’s envoy Holbrooke with perpetrators of genocide

Clinton’s envoy Holbrooke with perpetrators of genocide

April 29th, 2008

Holbrooke WIth Milosevic who died in prison during the trial for Genocide in Bosnia
Holbrooke with Milosevic who died in prison during the trial for Genocide in Bosnia.

Holbrooke with Dictators from Neighboring States Tailoring Bosnian Constitution
Holbrooke with dictators from neighboring states tailoring Bosnian constitution.

NCRBH - #545 INTL - WITH FRIENDS LIKE CLINTON, BOSNIA DOES NOT NEED ENEMIES

National Congress of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina No. 545

April 29th, 2008

April 27, 2008

CONTENT

1. WITH FRIENDS LIKE CLINTON, BOSNIA DOES NOT NEED ENEMIES
2. Clinton’s envoy Holbrook with perpetrators of genocide in Bosnia
3. Hitchens is raising crucial issues

————————————————————————-

1. WITH FRIENDS LIKE CLINTON, BOSNIA DOES NOT NEED ENEMIES

For his personal gains, Clinton rewarded the aggressors and punished the victims of genocide in Bosnia with the Dayton Agreement.

The price for “peace in Bosnia” achieved by the Clinton administration in Dayton in 1995 before his reelection was too high for the victims of genocide. Against the principles of the international law, the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina, a member nation of the UN and a victim of aggression and genocide, was divided into two states (so-called entities). One of the two states “Republika Srpska” was created on the 49% of the ethnically cleansed Bosnian territory, awarding the perpetrators of the war crimes, aggression, and genocide in Srebrenica with their own state.

The genocide committed in Srebrenica was the foundation on which “Republika Srpska” was created. The Dayton Agreement created by the Clinton administration was sold to the public as the peace agreement. However, the reality was that the Clinton Administration used the genocide to black-mail and force the victims to accept the division of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina as outlined in the Dayton Agreement. This was completed against the principles of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment for the Crime of Genocide and other international treaties.

Clinton knew this very well but went ahead with the Dayton Agreement for his own political gains. In 1992, Clinton criticized George Bush senior for not doing enough in Bosnia. The Dayton Agreement was signed just in time before Clinton’s re-election campaign with the aim to remove reports of genocide in Srebrenica and Bosnia from the news. With Dayton Agreement signed, Clinton kept his promise to bring “peace” to Bosnia, even if it was to be done at the expense of the victims of genocide.

On February 26, 2007, the International Court of Justice in its legally binding judgment in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina vs. Serbia and Montenegro ruled that genocide was committed in Srebrenica against the people of Srebrenica and against Bosniaks of the entire East Region of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Podrinje). The ruling states that the genocide was committed by the government and institutions of “Republika Srpska”, specifically the Army (VRS) and Police (MUP) of ”Republika Srpska” - the same “Republika Srpska” to whom the Clinton-sponsored Dayton Agreement awarded the territory on which it committed the genocide and ethnic cleansing.

Under the Dayton Agreement, the unlawful governing power over the victims of genocide in the Municipality of Srebrenica was put into the hands of those who committed the genocide. After the genocide in Srebrenica, the Municipality of Srebrenica was illegally (with genocide) removed from jurisdiction of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and illegally placed under the jurisdiction of the genocidal entity “Republika Srpska.” There are no legal provisions under the international law nor customary laws that can be used as bases to forcefully transfer the local self-governing municipality from one to another jurisdiction against the will of its people. People of Srebrenica were deprived of their will through genocide. Clinton knew this very well and he sponsored the Dayton Agreement anyway for his personal gain.

From the beginning of the aggression and genocide on the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in April 1992 until February 1993, the legitimate defense forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Srebrenica successfully resisted the aggression from Serbia and Montenegro (the rump Yugoslavia). In that period, it is estimated that about 1,800 residents of Srebrenica, mostly civilians, died as victims of systematic aggression. Subsequent to a major offensive carried out by three corps of the Yugoslav Peoples Army (JNA) at the beginning of March 1993, UNPROFOR forces came to Srebrenica. The UN Security Council adopted Resolution S/RES/819 by which Srebrenica was proclaimed a UN Protected Zone (so called “Safe Haven”), and at the same time a demilitarization agreement was signed. Unfortunately demilitarization practically meant the disarming of the defenders of Srebrenica, and not the forces of the aggressor. The direct result of disarming Srebrenica is that in July 1995, the people seeking protection in the UNPROFOR compounds were handed over to the Serbs, making Srebrenica the largest killing site in Europe since World War II, where about 8,500 men, women, and children were brutally murdered.

Had Bosnians not been trusting Clinton, the genocide in Srebrenica would not have happened. Bosnians laid down their weapons because they believed in Clinton’s assurances that NATO would protect them in Srebrenica “safe haven”. Otherwise they would have fought with their weapons for their survival and survival of their families. Serbs would have never been able to round up tens of thousands and commit genocide at the level that they did.

Clinton vetoed twice the resolutions of the US Congress to lift the arms embargo on Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina before the fall of Srebrenica and genocide in July 2005, effectively preventing Bosnians to defend themselves and their country.

With friends like Clinton, Bosnia does not need enemies.

Dr. Muhamed Borogovac
NCR BH

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2. Clinton’s envoy Holbrook with perpetrators of genocide in Bosnia
http://republic-bosnia-herzegovina.com/
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3. Hitchens is raising crucial issues


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fHrYeuRLc7s&feature=related
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5tX6v6oYDmY&feature=related
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tfgXDJhZCko&feature=related


source: http://republic-bosnia-herzegovina.com/?p=518

Tuesday, March 18, 2008

NKRBH - #534 INTL 0 High Representative Lajcak: Biased and Unprofessional

National Congress of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina

ONLINE NEWSLETTER - International

No. 534

March 17, 2008

http://republic-bosnia-herzegovina.com/

CONTENT

1. High Representative Miroslav Lajcak: Biased and Unprofessional

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1. High Representative Lajcak: Biased and Unprofessional

By Tarik Borogovac, Boston USA

The regular readers of this column know that until very recently we wholeheartedly supported High Representative Miroslav Lajcak. The Office of High Representative (OHR) wields the Bonn powers -- the only tool that can overcome the crippling ethnic and entity vetoes, which continue to ensure failure and misery in Bosnia. Mr. Lajcak, made strong statements that he would use all the tools at his disposal to push the reforms that strengthen Bosnia's state institutions, and to lead us into the EU. This was a very welcome attitude, especially since his predecessor, Mr. Christian Schwartz-Schilling, was criticized for employing a philosophy of non-interference, and allowing inflammatory statements to go unchallenged.

In the recent episode about parliamentary procedures, Mr. Lajcak did make a good decision, and prevailed in the face of strong opposition to it.

But we now recognize that we were wrong about Mr. Lajcak, after all, and we apologize to our readers. Mr. Lajcak has recently made several questionable decisions, and even a few very shocking public statements, which reveal lack of professionalism. In fact, some of his statements show personal bias and favoritism toward Mr. Dodik, Premier of the entity "Republic of the Serbs" (RS).

Let us first consider some of his statements made on March 14, and reported by the daily "Nezavisne Novine" from Banja Luka.

1. Mr. Lajcak stated that Mr. Dodik is the strongest political leader in Bosnia, and that he does not see any readiness of politicians in Sarajevo (i.e. Bosniak and Croat) to use the good influence of Mr. Dodik.

Our comment: Mr. Lajcak must have been particularly impressed by Mr. Dodik's strength just last week, when Mr. Dodik forbade the use of the Bonn powers
-- as we wrote in our last column. There has been no response by the OHR to that "decision" by Mr. Dodik, and it seems that we know why.

2. Mr. Lajcak also stated that Mr. Dodik has safeguarded peace and stability in Bosnia after the Kosovo independence declaration.

Our comment: Clearly, Mr. Lajcak is ignoring how Mr. Dodik's RS Government and the RS Parliament have responded to the Kosovo independence by making a law which states that the RS can declare independence if it chooses to, which is clearly in violation of the Dayton agreement, and could have caused, and still might cause violence. Contrast Mr. Lajcak's response with Mr. Schwartz-Schilling who was criticized for simply not punishing rhetoric about the RS right to secession to get out of hand in the media. Mr. Lajcak actually allows laws to be passed that state the same thing.

3. In the same interview Mr. Lajcak said: "Dodik is right when he says that he would like his coalition partners to recognize the RS, because they have the right to say: 'Here, we recognize the RS, and now enough of the talk about referendum and secession, because those are all children's stories, and we all know that.' If it is politically unacceptable for Bosniak politicians to say that: 'the RS is a reality' -- then something is wrong.
There is no secession, and everyone knows that, and they are just fooling the people".

Our comment: If such a recognition is so meaningless, why is Dodik insisting that the BiH Parliament must recognize the RS, and threatening with the referendum for RS independence otherwise? Why do Bosniak politicians feel that it is "politically unacceptable" to recognize the RS?

Dodik wants the formal recognition precisely because it would change the status of the RS significantly, cementing its legal existence and even allowing it to secede. Namely, the RS is currently an ethnic territory created by an international agreement, the Dayton agreement, as a concession to Milosevic and Karadzic. The Dayton agreement was never ratified by the Bosnian parliament, and its Annex IV, the Dayton Constitution, was never formally approved as a new constitution of the country. The implementation of the Annex IV constitution in Bosnia only depends on the good will and cooperation of all sides. Bosnia has the right to withdraw from Dayton, and so effectively end the RS at any time. If the RS violates the Dayton Agreement, for example by declaring independence, it will negate the only basis for its own existence. On the other hand, if the Bosnian Parliament confirms Annex IV as the Bosnian constitution, that act would replace Dayton as the basis for the RS, and failure to fulfill Dayton obligations could no longer put the RS into question. Dodik needs the recognition of the RS because without it, the talk of independence truly is just "childrens' stories". If the RS gets that recognition in the Bosnian Parliament, only then would the talk of a referendum and secession become serious.

Bosniak politicians do not dare to recognize the RS in parliament, because the RS is the most important issue for the Bosniak population, and it really would be political suicide to recognize it openly. Among Bosniaks, the existence of the RS is a very real reminder of the genocide committed to create it and ethnically cleanse it of Bosniaks and Croats. Srebrenica is our Aushwitz -- a very painful example in the Bosniak consciousness of the massive injustice that the RS military and police killed thousands of Bosniaks, and in that manner officially created Serb territories. The only reason that the Bosniak politicians ever get elected is because they claim that (A) they never confirmed the existence of the RS in Parliament, and (B) they fight for its abolishment. Although claim (B) is dubious, claim (A) is still technically correct.

Lajcak's argument that "the RS is a reality" is bunk. For a few years, Nazi Germany's occupation of Slovakia was a reality, also, but it was neither legal nor moral -- just like the RS. In connection to Nazi Germany, it has been famously said that forcing the victims of genocide to live with and accept the results of genocide is also an act of genocide. For Lajcak to say that "the Republic of the Serbs", and Srebrenica in it, is a reality that Bosniaks should accept, is morally indefensible.

4. In a speech the day before, on March 13, in Foca, RS, Mr. Lajcak denounced those who are blocking the passage of the new police laws in Parliament, calling them "guilty" of keeping Bosnia outside of the EU, and that their action shows an "unseen brazenness". Contrasting these statements to the manner in which he simply accepted the scrapping of the previous attempt to reform the police, at Mr. Dodik's request, shows partiality.

A little more context is necessary to make this point. The police law drafts, over which Mr. Lajcak is so strongly pressuring lawmakers now, do not respect the very three principles that the EU has set. For example, the EU requires state control of local police forces, and of the budget, yet these proposals instead would only create weak bodies that only coordinate (not control) the entity police structures. We note here that some parliamentarians from the SDA and SDP parties have opposed these laws not only because they do not fulfill any of the three principles, but because they also represent a violation of principle (A) above, i.e. they are an implicit recognition of the entity police forces, including the RS police, which committed the Srebrenica genocide.

In contrast, recall that during Mr. Ashdown's time, the parliaments of both entities and of the state passed a police reform law, under which a commission of police experts was formed, and was led by EUPM chief Vincenzo Coppola, to make binding decisions on the future police structures in Bosnia. After more than a year of work, the commission gave its binding decision, which was comprehensive and did truly respect the three principles, but which Mr. Dodik did not like. Mr. Lajcak consented to Mr. Dodik's request that the original deal should be renegotiated, setting the process back for years.

5. Finally, we have often written about the citizenship law that will (in 2011) take Bosnian citizenship away from hundreds of thousands of citizens, mostly Bosniaks and Croats who have settled in western countries after being "cleansed" from areas that are now in the RS. Recognizing the simple truth that the RS politicians like Mr. Dodik have not allowed the changing of this law because they have an interest in taking those citizenships away, the ethnic Croat member of the Bosnian Presidency Zeljko Komsic asked, in a letter, the high representative to modify that law using the Bonn powers. According to Mr. Komsic, Mr. Lajcak responded that he is aware that the citizenship law is discriminatory, but that he will not change it.

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Sunday, March 2, 2008

NKRBH - #528 INTL - Serbia Exports "Kosovo Crisis" to Bosnia and Herzegovina

National Congress of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina

ONLINE NEWSLETTER - International

No. 528

March 2, 2008

http://republic-bosnia-herzegovina.com/

CONTENT

1. Serbia Exports Kosovo Crisis to Bosnia and Herzegovina

1.1 Dodik Unilaterally Takes away Bonn Powers from Europe

1.2 Kosovo is not a legal precedent in international law

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1. Serbia Exports "Kosovo Crisis" to Bosnia and Herzegovina

1.1 Dodik Unilaterally Takes away Bonn Powers from Europe


Republic of the Serbs (RS) Premier Milorad Dodik, dissatisfied with the decision of the Peace Implementation Council (PIC) that the Office of Europe's High Representative (OHR) in Bosnia and Herzegovina will to hold on to the Bonn powers, decided to take away those powers himself.

Namely, upon his return to Banja Luka from Bruxelles, Mr. Dodik declared to the press that the RS will reject any attempt by the OHR to use the Bonn Powers: "Absolutely, it will not be allowed, that any individual becomes subject to the Bonn powers of the High Representative, except those involved with war crimes and those being processed by the court system, nor will we accept the imposing of any laws or regulations by the OHR."

This is a huge challenge to the authority of OHR and PIC. If the OHR and PIC simply allow such statements to be made without consequences, it would become very clear that the Dayton process no longer applies. Even by simply allowing such rhetoric in the media, the international guarantors of peace in Bosnia would look weak and foolish in the eyes of the free world, and especially in the eyes of the Bosnian people, victims of genocide, who have thus far put their trust in the same international community.

More importantly, this course of action by the RS government represents a unilateral withdrawal from obligations assumed under the Dayton agreement.

The OHR and PIC have two choices for how to respond. They could try to salvage Dayton and call the bluff of the RS, by using the Bonn powers to remove Mr. Dodik. Or they could accept that Dayton has failed and that this decision by Premier Dodik is just a formal confirmation of that.

If the PIC does give up on Dayton, what becomes the legal situation in Bosnia? Do the entities become states? The answer is no. The Dayton Agreement is not different from any other legal agreement in that if the signers withdraw from it, or refuse to adhere to it, the matter reverts to status quo ante, or the last legal state that had existed before the agreement was signed. In the case of the Dayton agreement, status quo ante is the constitution of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, without ethnic entities.

It is important to clarify further this question. This week's PIC conclusion -- an English language document that has been posted on the OHR website -- states that Bosnia's: "... territorial integrity is guaranteed by the Dayton Peace Agreement". This statement is interpreted by some malicious Bosnian politicians and media that the territorial integrity of Bosnia is ONLY guaranteed by the Dayton Peace Agreement. The implication of that false interpretation is that Bosnia and Herzegovina will cease to exist when Dayton inevitably fails. But the PIC statement above is just a simple paraphrasing of the Dayton Agreement Annex 4. Article I.1., which states that Bosnia and Herzegovina is not ended or begun in the agreement, but continued with a modified internal organization, and that the agreement does not put into question its internationally recognized borders. Therefore, if Dayton fails, or if the signers withdraw from it, Bosnia and Herzegovina will revert to status quo ante -- a state within its internationally recognized borders, and without the ethnic entities.

Both Raffi Gregorian, Deputy High Representative to Bosnia, and Charles English, U.S. Ambassador to Bosnia and Herzegovina have both confirmed this in media interviews this past week. Mr. Gregorian said, in Banja Luka's "Nezavisne Novine" that calling into question the Dayton Agreement is calling into question the existence of the RS itself. Mr. English similarly linked the existence of RS to Dayton, while emphasizing that Bosnia and Herzegovina existed before and independently of Dayton.

This is another attempt at blackmail of the international community by Serbia and Serbia’s proxy in Bosnia – the RS. Hopefully, this time the EU and the world will not give in to blackmail.

Finally, we note that Serbia has been using Kosovo’s independence to both inflame the militant nationalist sentiment inside the RS, and to argue for the separation of RS from Bosnia. Yet, the connection and similarity that Serbia cites between the cases of Kosovo and the RS are not grounded in facts. The following is a brief explanation of the legal argument for the independence of Kosovo, from which it is clear why it is a special case that cannot be compared to the status of RS.


1.2 Kosovo is not a legal precedent in international law

According to the last legal constitution of Yugoslavia, the autonomous province of Kosovo had the same right of self-determination that all the Yugoslav republics used in order to gain internationally recognized independence. In fact, it was Milosevic's forcible and illegal change of the constitution regarding Kosovo's autonomy that led the republics to declare independence in the first place. It was illegal, because it violated constitutionally proscribed procedure for amending the constitution.

Later, Serbia’s military attempted to forcibly remove the two million ethnic Albanian citizens of Kosovo by replicating the campaign of violence, rape, intimidation and murder which had been successfully used to create the RS as an ethnically clean Serb territory on half of Bosnia. It did not succeed in Kosovo largely because of NATO intervention.

Therefore, Serbia never had the legal right to hold Kosovo, and a strong moral argument exists for independence of Kosovo.

Regardless of what people think of Bush administration policies in other parts of the world, recognizing the declaration of independence by Kosovo's parliament is one they absolutely got right.

NCRB&H