Monday, August 17, 2009

GENOCIDE UNDER THE UN FLAG - SREBRENICA 1995-2009

source: http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2009/08/genocide-under-un-flag-srebrenica-1995.html

"HELP ME, MOTHER! THE CHETNIKS ARE BUTCHERING ME."


"There was a body nailed to the block. Its throat had been cut. The head was still attached. They had not quite cut through. He was nailed alive... On the second night the Chetniks got among the people at the UNPROFOR camp... They kicked, stamped, dragged out girls to rape them, killed the men... While one of the Chetniks held them, another would thrust his knife into their necks, from the side. The one who was holding them would then cut across their throat and throw down the body. I screamed when I saw my son among them: ‘My son!’ He saw me. He opened his arms towards me. A Chetnik grabbed him, stuck his knife into his neck, the other cut his throat. The blood spurted out..."


By: Dženana Karup-Druško

In July 1995, after the fall of Srebrenica, I left besieged Sarajevo for Tuzla, where a tent camp had been set up for the surviving people of Srebrenica. I left the city with a tunnel pass signed by the then security officer of the 1st Corps of the Bosnian Army, Sead Čudić, and wearing an army uniform to facilitate travel. After several transfers and a journey that lasted nearly two days, I finally arrived at Dubrava. The airport was under UNPROFOR control and it was they who decided who could come in. Looking ironically at my uniform and the proffered press card, they told me curtly: ‘Local journalists are not allowed in.’

As I waited hoping that the soldiers might change their mind, a group of foreign journalists turned up and were welcomed in by the UNPROFOR men with a smile and no questions asked. I found myself afterwards in many even more delicate situations, but don’t recall ever feeling quite so humiliated. I retreated, my head bowed and with tears in my eyes. Revolted by what they saw, my friends from Tuzla, who had brought me to the airport, told me they would find a way for me to enter the airport. We circled around by car until we saw a hole in the fence. I squeezed through. I will never forget the picture I saw next: though it was daylight, all the searchlights at the airport were lit up. UNPROFOR soldiers and officers were marching up and down the concrete paths in spick-and-span uniforms and shining boots. I was reminded for a moment of SS troops in American movies. Only a few steps away from them, stuck in deep mud, were white tents made out of synthetic fibre, full of mothers, sisters, wives... They told me about their missing relatives, about the killings, about the hell through which they had passed. I watched them with my eyes full of tears as I listened to their talk of the horrible deaths they had witnessed.

Losing three sons

A mother with two small children sat in a flooded tent that I found hard to reach even with my army boots, wading through the deep mud.

"We were in Potočari. On the second day, around ten in the morning, I was sitting with the children, having laid out some food. Five of them turned up. They pointed to my son and asked him to go with them for questioning. I told them he was not yet fifteen. He was still at school. They took him away. I followed them. One of the soldiers looked back and asked me if I would like them to take my son to Kladanj. Of course, I said, I’d give my eye for it. He told me that everything was fine, and I went back. Soon after a woman came up and said that ‘they are butchering people further along, in the wheat field’. Five or six of them rushed off to see if one of their relatives was involved. There was a block laid out among the wheat, a metre or two wide. A dozen heads that had been cut off were laid out on it. Around it were bodies in their last throes. Blood. Blood everywhere. A Chetnik [member of the Army of Republika Srpska, VRS] ordered it to be washed down. The others took cans and began to pour water. The blood spilt across the ripening wheat. There was a body nailed to the block. Its throat had been cut. The head was still attached. They had not quite cut through. He was nailed alive. They had slaughtered my son. I was screaming. They tried to shoo me away. But I could not leave. Nothing mattered to me any longer, they could kill me too."

That evening her second son was taken away. He was twenty.

"I entered the house as they were taking him away. The Chetniks were pushing me away. I wouldn’t leave. There were seven or eight of our people there. They lined them up for the slaughter. While one of the Chetniks held them, another would thrust his knife into their necks, from the side. The one who was holding them would then cut across their throat and throw down the body. I screamed when I saw my son among them: ‘My son!’ He saw me. He opened his arms towards me. A Chetnik grabbed him, stuck his knife into his neck, the other cut his throat. The blood spurted out."

She was crying as she spoke. She was unable to continue. She sighed and talked to herself. At some point I realised she was talking to her dead son. Her eyes were open but she did not see me. She started to sob, which appeared to soothe her a little. She next looked at me and said: "I drank more of his blood than of water at Potočari."

This unhappy mother lost yet another son, her third. She had no idea where he was. Nor her husband who was kept back at Potočari. They took him away, crowding them into the buses. The youngest son, who was then three years old, was in his father’s arms. He was crying, not wishing to leave his father. A Chetnik seized him and threw him on the asphalt. Another kicked him with his foot. This unhappy woman wouldn’t tell me her name, out of fear, she said, that it might harm the son and husband for whom she was waiting. They never came.

I have no one left

The entry of Serb tanks and soldiers dressed in UN uniforms on 10 July 1995 from the direction of Zeleni Jadro into the Srebrenica hamlet of Petrič broke the agreement of 8 May 1993 according to which the UN had promised the Bosnian government to protect this enclave on the Drina. Within 48 hours all of the Bosniak population was driven out of the area. Around 30,000 people from Srebrenica were driven out of their homes. Some places disappeared, as have the people. Some families were totally destroyed. Around 8,000 people went missing. What happened to them is testified to by the Potočari Memorial Centre and the thousands of graves in a cemetery where the discovered remains of the victims of this horrific crime have kept being buried each year. There were 534 funerals this year alone.

I make my way to Srebrenica for the first time, on 10 July 2009. We enter Potočari. I gaze at the former factories: Cinkara, Akumulatorka, Ekspres Transport. Thousands of people were imprisoned in them in 1995. Most of them were murdered. The sun shines in Potočari, but I feel chilled, remembering what the Srebrenica survivors told me:

"On the second night the Chetniks got among the people at the UNPROFOR camp. Panic ensued. People were fleeing, leaping over each other, children were crying, women screaming for help. As if the devil himself had turned up among us. They kicked, stamped, dragged out girls to rape them, killed the men."

Ratko Mladić came to Srebrenica and said that everything would be fine. Mensura Osmović said she heard him herself. He brought chocolate. As the children extended their hands, he would give it to them. On the following they he brought television, distributed chocolate again. Mensura spent that night under a burnt-out bus watching people being led away. They were driven off in the direction of Bratunac. I heard a young man call out: "Help me, mother! The Chetniks are butchering me."

At around seven o’clock in the evening on 10 July 2009, 543 coffins are brought from the Memorial Centre basement and taken to the cemetery where they will be buried the next day. The coffins passed from one man to the next, for over an hour. A four-year-old girl stands by a coffin saying Al-Fâtiha. When she finishes she asks her mother as she points to the next coffin: "Mother, shall I say it also for this uncle?" Her mother answers her in tears: "Do, my child, they are all our dead." The girl’s mother is called Dževada Mašić. She whispers to me as she sobs: "They murdered the whole of my family. I have no one left." I look at her and cry. I recall my own dead, who were killed a little further along the Drina, in Goražde and Foča, and think about what she tells me in her firm voice: "May they be damned! Let them have no peace in this world or the next." As a small girl, she was holding her father by the hand as the Chetniks wrenched him away. For ever. "They took him away at this very place. They killed my grandfather and his five sons. My father’s bones have not been found, so I can’t bury him. I have buried only one uncle. Tomorrow I will bury my grandfather."

An old man wearing a French beret is sitting by a coffin. I ask him quietly: "Grandpa, whom are you burying?" "My son", he whispers. He was born in 1961. I have no wish to question him further, and sit next to him in silence. The old man, Behadil Čardaković, tells me: ‘"hey found him in Zvornik. His wife has re-married and has gone to America. I haven’t seen either son or grandson since 1993. I have asked my grandson to come back ..."

Five years for shooting one thousand

A woman, her head covered, sits a little further away. They tell me she is burying her third son. She says nothing, only wipes her weeping eyes with a handkerchief. I crouch next to her and squeeze her hand, saying nothing. What can one ask a mother who has lost three sons? She looks at me and says: "My child, there is nothing I can tell you. I know how I feel..."

The women sitting next to her count their dead: one lost her husband and two brothers, another her mother-in-law and brothers-in-law, a third brothers and nephews, a fourth a son and a husband, a fifth uncles, a child... One of them says: "Let Allah punish them for this!"

Dražen Erdemović, soldier of the 10th commando unit of the Bosnian Serb Army was sentenced by the Hague tribunal to five years in prison, after confessing that he had taken part in the murder of 1,200 men and himself killed seventy. This was the first Hague verdict on the crimes committed in Srebrenica. Erdemović pathetically declared in the courthouse: "I feel sorry for all the victims, not only those who were killed on the farm." Because of his confession and his readiness to cooperate, Erdemović’s sentence was scandalously low. Should the victims be happy with this justice? After serving his sentence in Norway, Erdemović was released in 2000.

Erdemović testified at the trial of Momčilo Perišić, chief of staff of the Army of Yugoslavia at the time of the Srebrenica massacre, who was charged with aiding and abetting the crime. Erdemović told the court: "On 16 July, five days after the Army of Republika Srpska (VRS) had taken Srebrenica, at the farm of Branjevo near Zvornik we shot the Bosniaks who had been brought in, on the orders of officer Brane Gojković. The unit’s commander was lance-corporal Milorad Pelemiš, who took orders from Petar Salapura, intelligence chief of the main staff of the VRS. Some of the soldiers of the 10th commando platoon had been trained in late 1994 at the [Serbian] Army of Yugoslavia’s barracks in Pančevo. The victims were men between 15 and 60 years of age and were all wearing civilian clothes. They were taken under military police guard in groups of 10 from 15 or 20 buses and shot in the back on a field outside the farm, only one of them offering resistance. My unit was firing from 10.00 until 14.00 or 15.00, when the killing was continued by another unit from Bratunac."

Erdemović testified also at the trial of General Radislav Krstić, former commander of the Drina Corps. The Hague tribunal sentenced Krstić to 35 years in prison. Krstić was the highest ranking officer found guilty for taking part in genocide. The intelligence chief of the VRS, Zdravko Tolimir, was also charged. The tribunal in The Hague has found guilty also four VRS commanders for the crime in Srebrenica: Momir Nikolić, Dragan Obrenović, Vidoje Blagojević and Dragan Jokić who were sentenced respectively to 20, 17, 15 and 9 years in prison. The latest indictment against Radovan Karadžić accuses him of committing the gravest of crimes, including genocide, deportations, killings and other acts against humanicty committed during the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina, in 27 municipalities including that of Srebrenica.

Questions that remain unanswered

Ten years after Srebrenica, the Court of Bosnia-Herzegovina confirmed its first charge for genocide. The indictment charged Miloš Stupar, Milenko Trifunović, Petar Mitrović, Aleksandar Radovanović, Miladin Stevanović, Brano Džinić, Slobodan Jakovljević, Branislav Medan, Dragoša Živanović, Velibor Maksimović and Milovan Matić with crimes committed in the Peasant Association building in Kravice. They were sentenced to 284 years in prison, but four of them were found not guilty. Last year the Bosnia-Herzegovina Court issued another verdict for the crimes in Srebrenica: Mladen Blagojević was sentenced to seven years in prison, while Zdravko Božić, Željko Zarić and Zoran Živanović were set free. The charge was that as members of the military police of the Bratunac VRS light infantry brigade they took part in deportations, killings, and guarding the premises in which Bosniaks from Srebrenica were kept after 11 July 1995. As for those set free, the court argued that "the Bosnia-Herzegovina prosecution did not prove their presence" at the place where the victims were imprisoned, and the court did not "quite believe" its witnesses.

Last year the Bosnia-Herzegovina Court confirmed the indictment charging Zoran Tomić, a former member of the second battalion of the Š eković special police, with participation in the Srebrenica genocide. It charged Tomić also that on 13 July 1995 he took part in an attack on a column of Bosniaks, forcing them to surrender, and with capturing several thousand of the men from Srebrenica, of whom around one thousand were taken away and shot in the Peasant Association depot at Kravice. The Bosnia-Herzegovina Court filed a charge of genocide committed in Srebrenica against Željko Ivanović, called Arkan, a former member of the second battalion of the Republika Srpska special police, for participating on 13 July 1995 in the arrest and killing of more than one thousand of the men and boys from Srebrenica at the Peasant Association premises in Kravice.

The mothers of Srebrenica have initiated proceedings against the UN troops for the genocide that took place in Srebrenica, stating among other things: ‘Around 10,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys were systematically killed in only a few days by the army of the Bosnian Serbs commanded by Slobodan Milošević, Radovan Karadžić and Ratko Mladić. At this time the indicted UN representatives and officials refused deliberately and treacherously to take any measure to prevent the genocide in the Srebrenica "safe area".’

Are the people of Srebrenica happy with the verdicts handed down and the current legal initiatives? Naturally they are not, for, as they say: "Thousands of people were killed and this could not be committed by the few dozen who have been imprisoned. What about the others? Will they ever be called to account, or will it all end with the shameless sentencing of the immediate executors? What about their superiors? When will it be finally acknowledged that Serbia was involved in it all?" There is no sign that the victims’ questions will be answered any time soon.

Where are my children?

On 11 July 2009 Fatima Halilović buried her second brother. Two places were left next to them for the two that have not yet been found. Two of those who were found lay close to the surface in the area of Cerska. On 11 July 1995 Fatima set off with her daughters to seek the protection of UNPROFOR. She stopped one of them: "He was black - I don’t know if he was Dutch. Not knowing English, I told the older girl to ask where we should go. The soldier said: "Where the big chief directs." I don’t know who the big chief was. It might have been Milošević or Mladić. They drove us at this time to Potočari, many people having died on the way to the place. We walked over dead bodies. Shells were exploding, troop carriers were passing. We were next bussed to liberated territory, but the men had been separated and killed."

The Serb forces moved the dead around several times over. The body of one of the dead at the funeral was made up of parts found at eleven different locations. In 1992 Suada Mujić left Srebrenica with two of her children and two of her brothers-in-law. But she was caught in Serbia, after which she was sent to the Palić camp at Subotica, which she left, she says, thanks to Fadil Banjović. She left behind in Srebrenica her husband, three brothers-in-law, three sisters-in-law, and her mother-in-law. One of her brothers-in-law, Mevludin Mujić, was killed in 1994, while another, Muharem, fled and ended up in the United States. Her husband and the third, Smajo, disappeared. Her father’s remains were found in Kamenica. "It is one graveyard after another. One searches through the bones and material in the hope of recognising something. I turned everything over last year and found my father. I recognised him from his clothes. His skull had been crushed. In his pocket I found a watch, a metal tobacco box, a lighter and his glasses with one of the lenses missing - we found it later in his pocket. I found my husband in Čančare near Zvornik. That was just a bit of his legs. The rest was found in Kamenica, albeit not the neck and the head. Last Friday, on the 11th, they found in Kamenica also his head. There was no sign of a bullet, but his right teeth had been smashed."

Suada’s mother-in-law died on 29 May of this year. She did not witness the discovery of her son’s remains. Suada says: ‘During the old [World War II] war, her immediate family was killed in Višegrad. She fled as an orphan to Srebrenica, where she was adopted by some people who did not have children of their own. She got married there and lived to see a war during which her whole family perished again. Many members of our family perished in Višegrad too. Mijesira Memišević, my mother-in-law’s cousin, lost both of her children, 17-year-old Meliha and 12-year-old Edin. She testified at the court in The Hague, and faced the criminal who had murdered her children. She told him: ‘I will not proclaim you guilty, but only tell me where my children are so that I can bury them.’ Eleven members of the immediate family of Suada’s mother-in-law and sister-in-law died in Srebrenica.

Why was it necessary for so many people to die on 11 July 1995? Many of the people of Srebrenica are asking this question. One of our interlocutors says that it would have been better if Srebrenica had fallen in 1992 to Arkan’s men. "Two or three thousand of us would perhaps have perished then, but the rest would have survived." Could more have been done from the military point of view? Not wishing to speak about what he did after 1995, some refer to the departure of Naser Orić, the commander who was an unchallenged authority in Srebrenica and who also dared to undertake forays at the head of his soldiers. His departure on the eve of Srebrenica’s fall many consider catastrophic - they are sure that everything would have been different had he been there. The fact is, however, that Srebrenica had many brave fighters.

Our hero

Ejub Golić was a battalion commander in Srebrenica. He led the convoy of soldiers and civilians who moved towards Tuzla after the fall of Srebrenica. The column was over two kilometres long. It marched at night. The people held onto each other’s sleeves in order not to get lost. Shells fell all round them. The dead were left by the road, and the wounded carried on. On the entry to Koljević Polje, someone from the column moved a desiccated old trunk leaning against another. There was much noise: those on whom the trees fell began to scream. A shell fell at this moment in the nearest vicinity. Chaos and panic ensued. The people fled in all directions. This was the first break-down of the column. One of the few who tried to organise and collect the people, say the survivors, was Commander Golić. At Konjević Polje he managed to put the column back together. He said then that no wounded would be left behind. And they weren’t. He would go back for the people. Entreated them to endure, not to surrender. The people trusted him. They followed behind him. He got killed in the last ambush. When his soldiers heard of his death, several of them threw themselves at the tanks. And they succeeded. They broke through the Serb line. The path was open for several thousand people from Srebrenica, but not for Commander Golić. His fighters and compatriots say, however, that they remember him. They insist: "He will always be our hero." And not only theirs.

Those who went with the army through the forest came to the base in Potočari. Hasan Nuhanovićspoke later about the role of the Dutch battalion in the Srebrenica massacre: "The UNPROFOR base was enormous and could receive the whole of the population that sought protection. They let in five or six thousand, while the rest was left to the mercy of the Serb forces which arrived at Potočari. Years later various excuses are being cited for this decision. One of them is that the base could not accommodate 25,000 people. I have filed a charge against Holland because of this decision, for it was possible to save the people. It is complicity in crime, in my view. They drove people out of the base into the murderous arms of the Serbs. They were taken to the stadium in Bratunac, where most of them were killed. As they left they were frisked by Dutch soldiers in full battle dress, who insisted they should leave behind anything that could be considered as potential weapons. The women too surrendered nail scissors, pencils...’ Nuhanović said in conclusion: ‘This is the only genocide in history that occurred under the UN flag."

Not even half of those missing have been buried at Potočari. They are still being sought. [Editorial update: DNA results of the International Commission on Missing Persons support an estimate of 8,100 Srebrenica genocide victims. So far, the identities of 6,186 genocide victims have been revealed by the DNA analysis. For more information and a source link, read here]

On my return from Potočari, I walked through a police line. A Serb police line. Wearing Serb uniforms. Carrying Serb insignia. I recall the words of Zijad Bećirović, one of the participants at the conference "Genocide in Bosnia-Herzegovina - Consequences of the International Court of Justice Verdict" held in Srebrenica, who in his paper "Are we cohabiting with war criminals?" asked: "How many of those who are policing this meeting took part in the Srebrenica genocide?"


Translated by the Bosnian Institute in the United Kingdom from the independent weekly Dani. (Sarajevo), 17 July 2009 .

source: http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2009/08/genocide-under-un-flag-srebrenica-1995.html

Friday, July 31, 2009

NKRBH INTL ‏#624 - CRIMINAL COMPLAINT AGAINST BOUTROS BOUTROS-GHALI, CARL BILDT ET AL

CONTENT

1. Carl Bildt to The Hague!

2. CRIMINAL COMPLAINT AGAINST BOUTROS BOUTROS-GHALI, CARL BILDT ET AL

—————————————————————————————-

“Mr. Bildt, whose country currently holds the EU presidency, told a committee of the European Parliament that the Bosnian people were
‘victims of the inability of their political leaders to agree.’” Financial Times,July 22, 2009

No, to the contrary, the truth of the matter is that Carl Bildt, inter alia, inflicted genocide against the Bosnians at Srebrenica in 1995 in order
to pave the way for the genocidal Dayton Agreement that was imposed upon them by Richard Holbrooke.

Bildt must still be prosecuted for his commission of international crimes at Srebrenica as outlined in our ICTY indictment of him below.

Professor Francis A. Boyle
Attorney for the Mothers of Srebrenica & Podrinja

Law Building
504 E. Pennsylvania Ave.
Champaign, IL 61820 USA
217-333-7954 (Voice)
217-244-1478 (Fax)
fboyle@law.uiuc.edu

______________________________________________________

2. CRIMINAL COMPLAINT AGAINST BOUTROS BOUTROS-GHALI, CARL BILDT ET AL

BEFORE THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA (ICTY)

MOTHERS OF SREBRENICA AND PODRINJA ASSOCIATION V. UNITED NATIONS OFFICIALS AND OTHERS (FOR THE SREBRENICA MASSACRE)

CRIMINAL COMPLAINT AGAINST BOUTROS BOUTROS-GHALI, KOFI ANNAN, YASUSHI AKASHI,
BERNARD JANVIER, RUPERT SMITH, HERVÉ GOBILLIARD, JORIS VOORHOEVE, CEES NICOLAI,
THOMAS KARREMANS, ROBERT FRANKEN, THORVALD STOLTENBERG,
CARL BILDT, DAVID OWEN, MICHAEL ROSE, THEIR SUBORDINATES,
SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC, RADOVAN KARADZIC, RATKO MLADIC, AND OTHERS

NOTICE OF THE EXISTENCE OF INFORMATION CONCERNING SERIOUS VIOLATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW WITHIN THE JURISDICTION OF THE TRIBUNAL

REQUEST THAT THE PROSECUTOR INVESTIGATE THE ABOVE-NAMED UNITED NATIONS OFFICIALS, THEIR SUBORDINATES, AND OTHERS FOR SERIOUS VIOLATIONS
OF INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW AND PREPARE INDICTMENTS AGAINST THEM PURSUANT TO ARTICLES 18(1) AND 18(4) OF THE ICTY STATUTE

The Honorable Carla Del Ponte
Prosecutor
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia
Churchillplein l
2517 JW The Hague
P.O. Box 13888
2501 EW The Hague
Netherlands

Dear Madame Del Ponte:

I am the Attorney of Record for the Mothers of Srebrenica and Podrinja Association, which is headquartered at Sakiba Zere 9, in Vogosca, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Mothers of Srebrenica and Podrinja Association is a Bosnian human rights, non-governmental organization whose members consist of survivors and next-of-kin of the genocidal massacre at Srebrenica in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina during July of 1995. The genocidal massacre at Srebrenica was the single greatest human rights atrocity perpetrated in Europe since the genocidal horrors inflicted by the Nazis during the Second World War. Approximately 10,000 Bosnian Muslim men, boys, and women were systematically exterminated during just a few days by the Bosnian Serb Army (BSA) under the direct command of Slobodan Milosevic, Radovan Karadzic, Ratko Mladic, and others. During this time, the above-named United Nations Officials, their subordinates, and others deliberately and maliciously refused to do anything to stop this genocidal massacre at the U.N.-declared “safe area” of Srebrenica despite having the legal obligation, the legal and political authority, and the military power to do so. Indeed, the above-named United Nations Officials, their subordinates and others deliberately and maliciously interfered with, prevented, and impeded those individuals who wanted to do something to stop the genocidal massacre at Srebrenica and its environs during July of 1995. This was because the fall and genocidal massacre at Srebrenica during July of 1995 were part of a longstanding COMMON CRIMINAL PURPOSE AND PLAN by the United Nations Organization and the above-named United Nations Officials, their subordinates, and others to carve-up and destroy the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a Member State of the United Nations Organization.

Pursuant to ICTY Statute article 7(1), we hereby accuse the above-named United Nations Officials, their subordinates, and others of planning, preparing, conspiring, instigating, complicity, and otherwise aiding and abetting, in the planning, preparation, conspiracy, complicity, and execution of crimes referred to in articles 2 to 5 of the ICTY Statute as follows:

Article 2–Grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions of 1949
against persons and property protected thereunder, including but not limited to:

(a) willful killing;
(b) torture or inhuman treatment,…
(c) wilfully causing great suffering or serious injury to body or health;
(d) extensive destruction and appropriation of property, not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly;
…

(f) wilfully depriving a prisoner of war or a civilian of the rights of fair and regular trial;
(g) unlawful deportation or transfer or unlawful confinement of a civilian;
(h) taking civilians as hostages.

Article 3–Violations of the laws or customs of war, including but not limited to:

(a) employment of poisonous weapons or other weapons calculated to cause unnecessary suffering;
(b) wanton destruction of cities, towns or villages, or devastation not justified by military necessity;
(c) attack, or bombardment, by whatever means, of undefended towns, villages, dwellings, or buildings;
…
(e) plunder of public or private property.

Article 4–Genocide, defined as “(2)…any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:

(a) killing members of the group;
(b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
(c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
…

The Bosnian Muslim population of Srebrenica was a national, and an ethnical, and a religious group, that was deliberately targeted for destruction “as such.” In addition to violating ICTY Statute article 4(2)(a), (b), and (c), the genocidal massacre at Srebrenica also involved the following punishable acts under article 4(3):

(a) genocide;
(b) conspiracy to commit genocide;
…
(d) attempt to commit genocide;
(e) complicity in genocide.

Article 5–Crimes against humanity, committed in armed conflict and directed against the Bosnian Muslim civilian population of Srebrenica:

(a) murder;
(b) extermination;
…
(d) deportation;
(e) imprisonment;

(f) torture;
(g) rape;
(h) persecutions on political, racial and religious grounds;
(i) other inhumane acts.

These criminal practices perpetrated against the Bosnian Muslim population of Srebrenica were both widespread and systematic throughout the Srebrenica enclave and its environs during July of 1995.

The continuation of the complaint can be found in the following link

http://www.republikabih.net/content/Srebrenica.htm

Thursday, July 9, 2009

NKRBH INTL ‏#620 - INTERNACIONALIZACIJA SLUCAJA TIHIC - SADOVIC‏

ONLINE NEWSLETTER - In English and Bosnian

No. 620

July 08, 2009

http://republic-bosnia-herzegovina.com/

CONTENT (Sadrzaj)

1. OTVORENO PISMO PODRSKE MINISTRU SADOVICU

2. BOSNIAN MINISTER THWARTS SERBIAN PLOT AGAINST BOSNIA, HIS PARTY BOSS CALLS FOR HIS RESIGNATION

3. MARCH TO SREBRENICA

4. OLD ISSUES OF OUR NEWSLETTER

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This issue of the Newsletter is distributed to 37,000 addresses on both our mailing lists; one for Bosnian and one for English laguage.

If you do not want to receive this Online Newsletter just reply with "UNSUBSCRIBE" in the subject line. Then your e-mail address will be promptly deleted.
_______________________________________________________________


Editorial

Ovim Glasnikom smo na Engleskom upoznali poslanike Evropskog parlamenta i mnoge prijatelje BiH u svijetu, sa najnovijom situacijom u vezi Tihicevog zahtjeva da ministar Sadovic podnese ostavku. Prilozi 2,3 i 4 su sacinjavali nase internacionalno izdanja Glasnika (Newsletter No. 620).

U prilog pod tackom 2 je na Engleskom kazano ono o cemu smo pisali i u Glasniku br. 619 o napadu Tihica na ministra Sadovica.

Ima mnogo nasih mladjih ljudi koji lakse citaju Engleski nego Bosanski, pa i njih na ovaj nacin upoznajemo sa najnovijim vijestima.

Osjetili smo potrebu da se licno obratimo gosp. Sadovicu i da mu kao covjeku damo moralnu podrsku da izdrzi do kraja. To je sadrzano u pismu pod tackom br. 1.

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1. OTVORENO PISMO PODRSKE MINISTRU SADOVICU

Veoma postovani gosp. Sadovicu,

znamo da ste ovih dana izlozeni strahovitim pritiscima Tihicevih i Dodikovih posilnih i placenika. Jedino sto vam mozemo poruciti je da ne klonete, da im se ne predate.

NE SAMO ZBOG NASE DOMOVINE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE, NEGO NE SMIJETE POKLEKNUTI NI ZBOG VAS SAMIH. Znajte da vam je jedini izlaz iz ove situacije da pobijedite, da im ne date ostavku.

Ako im se pokorite, ako se savijete pred ljudskim sljamom kakav su Tihic i Kebo osjecacete se gorim od njih. Vi znate koliko Bosnjaci preziru Tihica. Mozete zamisliti koliki ce to udarac biti vasem ugledu ako se poklonite tom sljamu.

Nije nikakav problem ako vas smjene. Onoga trenutka kada vas udruzeni cetnici i njihovi jataci iz SDA smjene, Bosna i Hercegoivina ce dobiti novog heroja.

A znajte da ce vasi neprijatelji sve uciniti da vas dokrajce, jer vi ste opasno ugrozili cetnicki projekat spasavajuci nas iz klopke koju je Srbija namjestila svim Bosnjacima. Jer ne bi se to zavrsilo na Dobrovoljackoj. Ako Srbija zadrzi mogucnost da po svom nahodjenju izdaje potjernice Interpola za Bosnjacima uvjek ce se lako nalaziti sve novi i novi razlozi za nove potjernice. Niko od Bosnjaka ne bi bio siguran vise.

Vasom ostavkom Vi bi opasno ugrozili to dostignuce za BiH koje ste postigli, sto je vjerovatno vase zivotno djelo, ono zbog cega cete uci u istoriju. Osim toga, vasom ostavkom Vi bi samo priznali da ste nesto pogrijesili cime bi ste olaksali posao vasim neprijateljima da se obracunaju sa vama do kraja. Vise ne bi ste imali nikakve odbrane, jer bi ste vasom ostavkom sami priznali neku krivicu. Procitajte knjige zrtava Staljinovog rezima. U svima njima je poruka jasna - ne smijete priznati ono za sto niste krivi. Dakle, ne smijete dati ostavku.

Najgore od svega je da cete onog trenutka kada im se poklonite i slazete na sebe, dajuci ostavku za izmisljenu krivicu, poceti mrziti samog sebe i to ce trajati do kraja zivota. A od sebe ne mozete pobjeci.

Na kraju, znajte da je narod uz vas i molimo vas da izdrzite.

Dr. Muhamed Borogovac

Nacionalni kongres Republike BiH


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2. BOSNIAN MINISTER THWARTS SERBIAN PLOT AGAINST BOSNIA, HIS PARTY BOSS CALLS FOR HIS RESIGNATION

By Tarik Borogovac

A few days ago, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) Minister of Security Tarik Sadovic secured an important victory in protecting BiH citizens and interests from an unscrupulous offensive by Serbia in the international arena. The very next day, his party boss Sulejman Tihic of the SDA party asked him to resign, without citing any concrete reason. To us it is clear that Mr. Tihic is taking issue with Minister Sadovic precisely for doing his job.

The central issue is that Serbia has been using the Belgrade office of Interpol to issue warrants against war-time BiH government and army officials, alleging war crimes against soldiers of the Yugoslav National Army fighting in Bosnia, and against Serb civilians. All the accusations represent “the Serb version of events”, i.e. they are based on interpretations of the war in Bosnia that only Serbia and Bosnian Serb officials propagate. Serbia had initially presented its allegations and its “evidence” to the UN tribunal for war crimes in former Yugoslavia at the Hague, and the tribunal had declined to issue warrants because the evidence was insufficient and not credible.

(NOTE: Other cases that were brought against the Bosnian officials, and which were thought to be more credible, did result in tribunal indictments. All indicted persons from the Bosnian side turned themselves in promptly, and in the majority of the cases completed so far, the suspects were either cleared of all charges by the tribunal, or judged guilty of offenses much less serious than the allegations brought forth by Serbia and the prosecution.)

Based on the allegations that were already rejected by the Hague tribunal, Serbia decided to issue indictments in its own courts, and in the courts of its puppet entity in Bosnia called “The Republic of the Serbs” (RS). For the RBiH government officials and higher ups in the Army Serbia issued Interpol warrants. For others, Serbia and the RS created “secret” lists. This had three major intentions:

1. For a domestic audience, Serbia preserves some credibility for previous propaganda. Slobodan Milosevic is dead, but his whitewashed regime is still in power as evidenced by the fact that his wartime propaganda still dominates. Serbs are still the victims of genocide and aggression perpetrated by militant Muslims, and fascist Croats (tacitly backed by a combination of imperialist western nations, and fundamentalist Arab regimes). That myth would fall apart if Serbia did not act accordingly by pretending to fight to bring justice for all the Serb victims, and to uncover the enormous evidence that must surely exist for such a grand conspiracy. Simply, Serbia had to either “put up or shut up”.

2. For an international audience, Serbia shows that it is not the only one that is hiding its indicted war criminals like Ratko Mladic, as evidenced by the Interpol warrants issued for many Bosnians (and Kosovars, see the case of Agim Ceku). Of course, Serbia, as a member of Interpol created those warrants.

3. Serbia also uses the secret warrants for further ethnic cleansing of the RS by prevention of return of non-Serb refugees. The secret lists have been cited during the arrests of many non-Serb returnees to the RS. For example, several days ago, the RS police arrested Midhat Salihovic, a refugee from Srebrenica residing in Sweden, when he came back to Bosnia to bury the identified remains of his father and brother, who were executed in Srebrenica by the RS police. As a result, the refugees believe that any of them can be put on these lists, and most of them are afraid to return.

In addition, the threat of such warrants can be used to keep those Bosnian officials, who were involved in Bosnia’s defense during the war, from resisting Serbia’s political meddling in Bosnia.

Minister Sadovic recently sent a complaint to Interpol because of the misuse of the Interpol warrants by Serbia for political and propaganda purposes. He asked them to review a particular set of “red” war crimes warrants issued from its Belgrade office. The warrants in question were issued based on a battle on the streets of Sarajevo in 1992, in which, as Serbia alleges, the Army of RBiH committed war crimes against an armored column of the Yugoslav National Army, which carried the BiH President Alija Izetbegovic and his daughter as hostages. Interpol reviewed that nonsense, rescinded the warrants, and changed the rules on issuing warrants for war crimes to prevent further abuse. Now, countries cannot issue war crimes arrest warrants for citizens of other countries, if their home countries do not consent. Or, as Mr. Sadovic put it: “Serbia cannot issue red warrants against Bosnian citizens, if Bosnia doesn’t agree.”

Obviously, this is a major blow to the Serbian government. Interpol’s decision gives some protection to Bosnian officials when traveling abroad to other countries. Unfortunately, it will not help others that Serbia and RS arrest themselves. More than that, it is a blow because Serbia was exposed as a regime that is willing to engage in such criminal abuse of international mechanisms of justice for simple political and propaganda objectives.

Finally, Mr. Tihic’s swift revenge against Mr. Sadovic may be a surprise to uninformed observers, given the great service Mr. Sadovic just did for his country. However, those familiar with communist Yugoslavia recognize men like Mr. Tihic as agents of Serbia. Namely, in Yugoslavia, Serb nationalists controlled the secret police (the notorious Internal State Security Agency UDBA) and the Yugoslav National Army, employing a network of agents and informants to spy and control the citizens of Yugoslavia. There were similar agencies throughout the communist east Europe, for example, the East German Stasi. The specificity of the Yugoslavian spy network was its Serb nationalist, rather than communist ideology. Of special value to UDBA as agents were those non-Serbs who managed to prove their loyalty to Serb national ideals.

The infiltrators were successful Bosnia, and they were given the opportunity to organize politically in the name of Bosniaks, with the aim of controlling Bosniak politics. The most successful of these was President Alija Izetbegovic, who, among other things, put himself in danger to protect the above mentioned YNA column, stopped the American lifting of the arms embargo for the RBiH Army, and signed that the already defeated Serb nationalist forces should control half of BiH in Dayton. One of the last things he did was to install Mr. Tihic to lead the powerful SDA party.

Tihic (together with allies Haris Silajdzic and Zlatko Lagumdzija) have done much damage to our country in order satisfy the Serbian apetite for Bosnia, and have brought the country to the brink of definite disintegration, and to a de facto realization of Milosevic’s genocidal project of an ethnically clean “Republic of the Serbs” on Bosnian territory. The people of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and especially Bosniaks, never recognized the genocidal RS, and the signatures of a few Serbian agents that established it are illegitimate and cannot stand in the long run.

Minister Sadovic’s complaint to Interpol represents one of the rare Bosnian victories, and it is precisely the reason why Tihic wants to force him out so quickly.

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3. MARCH TO SREBRENICA

Autor: BIRN

07. Jul 2009. 15:07:27

On Wednesday, July 8 more than 2,500 Peace March participants will leave Nezuk, near Zvornik, and walk 110 km before arriving in Potocari, near Srebrenica, on July 11.

This will be the fourth successive year that the Peace March has been organized to honour those Srebrenica residents who fled through the woods in July 1995 in an attempt to reach territory controlled by the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The march will last for three days. The march participants will arrive at the Potocari Memorial Center on July 11, where they will attend the burial of more than 500 murdered Srebrenica residents.

Some participants will start the march in Zepa, located in the vicinity of Srebrenica.

March participants who begin their journey in Nezuk will walk around 35 kilometers per day, while those starting in Zepa will walk for 25 km per day for two days.

Peace March organizers say that their goal is to pay respect to the genocide victims and remind everyone of "the massive and frightening crime committed against Bosniaks from Srebrenica by the Army and police of Republika Srpska".

Another goal is to motivate all "relevant actors to arrest and try all those who are charged with this crime, as soon as possible, with the aim of serving justice and creating preconditions for building permanent peace and tolerance among the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina".

Apart from participants from Bosnia and Herzegovina, people from the Netherlands, Croatia, France, Switzerland, Serbia, Italy, the USA, Australia and other countries take part in the Peace March every year.

In a resolution adopted by the UN Security Council on April 16, 1993, Srebrenica was declared a protected zone, which was supposed to be demilitarized. Members of the UN Protection Force were deployed in the town on April 18, 1993.

Forces under the command of Republika Srpska General Ratko Mladic entered the town on July 11, 1995. At that moment about 35,000 people from Srebrenica and the surrounding villages, who had sought shelter in the town, were in Srebrenica.

Following the arrival of the Serb forces, women, children and the elderly, as well as some men, converged on Potocari seeking protection from the Dutch UNPROFOR Battalion which was based there. A short time later they were surrounded by Serb forces. The men were separated and taken prisoner. Many of them, including boys, were later killed.

The women and children were deported, on buses and trucks, to territory controlled by the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Shortly after the arrival of the Serb forces, some Srebrenica residents headed through the woods and over the mountains in an attempt to reach territory contrlled by the Bosnian army. A small number survived the difficult journey after spending days moving quickly and following indirect routes.

In 2007 the International Court of Justice at The Hague ruled that the crime committed at Srebrenica constituted genocide.

Individuals accused of commmiting genocide in Srebrenica are currently on trial in four separate cases being heard before the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Sarajevo.

The trial of eight senior police and military officials of Republika Srpska is underway at the Hague Tribunal. Ratko Mladic, who is on the run, and Radovan Karadzic, former President of Republika Srpska, who is awaiting trial at the Hague, are charged, among other things, with the genocide committed in Srebrenica.

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4. OLD ISSUES OF OUR NEWSLETTER

http://rbih-free.blogspot.com/2009/06/ncrbh-612-intl-unfinished-business-in.html

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Friday, June 19, 2009

BABY'S GRAVE DESECRATED BY SERB VANDALS IN VISEGRAD

source: http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2009/06/babys-grave-desecrated-by-serb-vandals.html

MURDERED BABY'S GRAVE DESECRATED BY SERB VANDALS IN VISEGRAD


PHOTO: Local Serb vandals killed a dog and place him next to the planned burial site of a 9-month old Amela Ahmetspahic. (Source: Federal TV Footage)


On Tuesday, June 11th, Bosnian Muslims held a funeral for a nine-month old baby and her family - victims of Visegrad massacre of 1992. Visegrad is a municipality bordering with Srebrenica.

Faced with frequent death threats, survivors of the massacre asked the Serb authorities to send at least one Police officer to secure the funeral from possible attacks. Local Serb authorities in Visegrad refused to offer any assistance.

When saddened relatives arrived at the Stražište cemetery in Visegrad they were shocked to find desecrated baby's grave. The Careva Mosque was stoned and windows broken. The vandals also killed a dog and placed him next to murdered baby's grave.

Bodies of Ibrisim and Smaila Memisevic, their daughter Mediha Ahmetspahic, and nine-month old baby granddaughter Amela, were killed by Serbs in 1992. They were dumped into Veljem Lug mass grave. Six years ago, their remains were excavated from the mass grave and recently DNA identified. Amela's father, Suljo, survived the massacre.

Boban Šimšić, who worked for the RS Police in Visegrad, was found guilty for murders of 3 our of 4 above named victims and sentenced to 14 years in jail.

PHOTO: Coffin of a murdered Bosniak Baby, Amela Ahmetspahic. She was 9 months old when Serbs killed her and her family. Like thousands of other Bosnian Muslims, they were dumped into one many mass graves in Podrinje (region around Srebrenica).



PHOTO: Cemetery Mosque attacked by Serb vandals before a funeral of a murdered Bosnian Muslim baby, Amela Ahmetspahic, and her family in Visegrad.



PHOTO: The Careva mosque was stoned by Serb vandals the night before funeral.
















source: http://srebrenica-genocide.blogspot.com/2009/06/babys-grave-desecrated-by-serb-vandals.html

Monday, June 1, 2009

NCRBH - #612 INTL - “UNFINISHED BUSINESS IN THE BALKANS”

CONTENT

1. Washington Office for Bosnia Welcomes the Conference “UNFINISHED BUSINESS IN THE BALKANS”

2. Announcement of the Conference “UNFINISHED BUSINESS IN THE BALKANS”

3. The Latest Development in Bosnia: People Have Rejected Once Again the Dayton Constitution

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1. Washington Office for Bosnia Welcomes the Conference “UNFINISHED BUSINESS IN THE BALKANS”

Thanks for this announcement, Peter,

I extracted a quote from your Bosnia/Kosova announcement so amazing that I am responding to a Bosnian e-mail for the first time in years and even dug up some emails of our old “Bosnian and Kosovar hands.”

The announcement reports that “Almost daily calls are coming from various think-tanks and Congressional committees in Washington for de facto liquidation of the Republika Srpska (“Dayton II”) and for an even greater pressure on Serbia to recognize Kosova’s unilateral declaration of independence.”

I am not yet sure it is true, but I certainly hope so. (Why that might make sense for a new Obama/Hillary is described later in this e-mail)

We at the BSC and Washington Office for Bosnia were almost alone in fighting for the goal of abolishing Republika Srpska in the nineties after the fights over the embargo were over. It was our own Colleen London, who, while working in Prime Minister Ganic’s office, succinctly summed up the Dayton Accords in one sentence, “they had the abuser move in with the rape victim, so the property transfer would appear legal after she dies of her wounds.”

So these new “daily calls” for the abolition of Republika Srpska (a $10 billion property reward to the genocidal perpetrators) may possibly save the victim after all.

Even the Bosnians (except for the Bosnian Congress, an e-mail network of thousands of Bosnian diasporans) have thrown in the towel for a decade, except for a recent “abolish Srpska” announcement from Siladjic. (There seems to be some rhetoric for independent Kosova, but the US-backed diplomatic machinery of betrayal, with the acquiescence of American-Albanians, still grinds forward). So the alleged widespread calls, if they are in fact occurring, may constitute a victory for our multi-year effort for Bosnia, signaling a possible change in policy, and deserve our support.

I have recently been immersed in helping the Sudanese resistance fight oppression and genocide so I might have missed this good stuff. If anyone has any verification of these calls, I would appreciate hearing about it.

A note on the speakers - they seem to be one-sided, at least the half I’m familiar with: two Serb ultranationalists, two other persistent and effective pro-Serb ultranationalist Americans (Schindler and Jatras), and one Pat Buchanan type anti-interventionist think-tanker (Bandow). So eating a free lunch at their expense would be satisfying.

The Capitol Hill Club is a Republican venue and Jatras, the most notoriously pro-ultranationalist congressional staffer in Congress during the genocide, is also a life-long Republican.

Hillary could become Bosnia’s friend. As you may recall, during the campaign, she became famous for ducking Serb ultranationalist sniper fire while deplaning in Sarajevo :-).

On a more serious point, as Bill Clinton’s spouse, she may have learned enough about the issue to fix it, and possibly understand its usefulness as part of an administration strategy to repair America’s relationships with Muslims that goes beyond rhetoric. (Did our documents exposing the evils of the Dayton Accords - once posted on dozens of websites, many of them Islamic ones - get to Hillary?) . .

Andrew Eiva

Washington Office for Bosnia

PS: BTW, I will speak on the clash of bureaucratic obstacles versus grassroots ideals on Thursday, May 28 at 121 Caldwell Hall (80 yards northeast of the Basilica) at Catholic University (parking entrance near corner of Michigan Ave. and Harewood) to a Poli-Sci graduate studies class Thursday. It will be preceded by a showing of Charlie Wilson’s War, which touches on these issues, as I was a minor character in the book the movie was based on.

The following is the announcement of the conference:
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2. Announcement of the Conference “UNFINISHED BUSINESS IN THE BALKANS”

Please pass this information on to all potentially interested parties!

http://www.balkanstudies.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=56:conference-program-capitol-hill-Washington-dc-may-27&catid=36:forthcoming-events&Itemid=37

The Lord Byron Foundation for Balkan Studies and The American Council for Kosovo

invite you to a conference

“UNFINISHED BUSINESS IN THE BALKANS”: RHETORIC, STRATEGY, IMPLICATIONS

Wednesday, May 27, 2009, 12 NOON – 5 PM
CAPITOL HILL CLUB
300 First Street SE, Washington D.C. 20003

(The Club is directly opposite Capitol South Metro Station)

A major security issue facing Europe is the stated intention of the Obama Administration to play a more active role in the former Yugoslavia. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is committed to wrapping up what she calls “the unfinished business in the Balkans.” Almost daily calls are coming from various think-tanks and Congressional committees in Washington for de facto liquidation of the Republika Srpska (“Dayton II”) and for an even greater pressure on Serbia to recognize Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence. To discuss the motives, implications, likely course, and possible results of such U.S. policy, we have assembled a panel of foreign policy experts, several of whom have just come back from Serbia and the Republika Srpska.

No cost to attendees, lunch provided.

You are also cordially invited to the reception to mark the Conference:
CAPITOL HILL CLUB
Tuesday, May 26, 6–8 p.m.
Open Bar

For all information please contact Terri Alder (202) 626-6625 talder@ssd.com

“UNFINISHED BUSINESS IN THE BALKANS”

CONFERENCE PROGRAM
Wednesday, May 27, 2009

The Eisenhower Room, Capitol Hill Club, Washington D.C.

11:30 Registration

12:00 Welcoming remarks
Ambassador James Bissett, Chairman, The Lord Byron Foundation

12:15 Keynote address: Bosnia, America’s Unlearnt Lesson
Doug Bandow

12:45 Lunch

1:30 PANEL I: DEFINING THE PROBLEM, chaired by James George Jatras

Imperial Democracy in the Balkans
Gregory Davis

The European Union’s Imperfect Role
Ronald Hatchett

Do We Need “Dayton II”?
Steven Meyer

The Balkans and Global Jihad
William Lind

3:00 Coffee break

3:15 PANEL II: PREVENTING ANOTHER DISASTER, chaired by Ronald Hatchett

The Administration’s Balkan Gambit: Dangers, Strengths, Weaknesses
James George Jatras

A Canadian Solution to Bosnia’s Impasse?
James Bissett

Republika Srpska: Essential Part of Any Solution
Srdja Trifkovic

The Balkans and the War on Terrorism: Defending the American Interest
John Schindler

4:30 OPEN FORUM

5:00 Conference Closing

P A N E L I S T S

Ambassador James Bissett is Chairman of The Lord Byron Foundation, former head of Canada’s Immigration Service, and former Canadian Ambassador to Yugoslavia

Dr. Doug Bandow is world affairs commentator, author (most recently) of Foreign Follies: America’s New Global Empire and former special assistant to President Reagan

Dr. Gregory M. Davis is the author of Religion of Peace? (2006) and co-director/producer of the documentary Islam: What the West Needs to Know

Dr. Ronald L. Hatchett, Col. USAF (Ret.), a senior DoD official under Reagan, is Director of the Center for Global Studies and professor of international relations at Schreiner University

James George Jatras is Director of The American Council for Kosovo and Deputy Director, American Institute in Ukraine. He is former Foreign Service officer and former senior analyst with the U.S. Senate Republican Policy Committee

William S. Lind is the leading authority on Fourth Generation Warfare, a prolific author, and Director of the Center for Cultural Conservatism at the Free Congress Foundation

Dr. Steven Meyer is Professor of Political Science at the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, National Defense University

Dr. John Schindler is Professor of Strategy at the Naval War College and the author of Unholy Terror: Bosnia, Al-Qaeda and the Rise of Global Jihad

Dr. Srdja Trifkovic is Executive Director of The Lord Byron Foundation, the author (most recently) of Defeating Jihad, and former foreign-affairs editor of Chronicles

(NB: The opinions expressed by Professors Meyer and Schindler are their own, and do not reflect the views of the U.S. government or the Department of Defense. )

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3. THE BOSNIAN PEOPLE REJECT ONCE AGAIN THE DAYTON CONSTITUTION

By Muhamed Borogovac, Ph.D., ASA, MAAA

Boston, Massachusetts, USA

Filing the law suit for genocide in 1993 at the International Court of Justice by Bosnia and Herzegovina against Serbia and Montenegro precedes all subsequent constitutional and legal arrangements for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The final judgment of the International Court of Justice supersedes all constitutional arrangements that are today imposed on the victims of aggression and genocide, including Annex 4 to the Dayton Peace Agreement (the so-called Dayton Constitution) and the Brcko Amendment.

Bosnia-Herzegovina was a victim of aggression from Serbia, as established by the UN Security Council’s Resolutions 752 and 757 in 1992, for which Serbia was punished as the aggressor by the economic sanctions and blockade..

On February 26, 2007, The International Court of Justice in its legally binding judgment in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro “Finds that Serbia has violated the obligation to prevent genocide, under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, in respect of the genocide that occurred in Srebrenica in July 1995.” The Court ruled that genocide in Srebrenica against the people of Srebrenica and the entire East Region of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was committed by the government and institutions of “Republika Srpska” and specifically the Army (VRS) and Police (MUP) of “Republika Srpska” and that Serbia had an obligation to prevent the genocide.

As a reminder, the war ended in the fall of 1995 when Dayton Peace Agreement has been signed. Even though it is an international treaty signed by presidents of three countries Bosnia, Serbia and Croatia (Izetbegovic, Tudjman, and Milosevic, respectively), it contained the new constitution of Bosnia-Herzegovina, the infamous Annex 4 to the Dayton Peace Agreement. This agreement was in direct violation of the international law, which prevents countries to impose constitutional changes onto its neighbor, and especially if one of them (referring to Serbia) committed aggression and violated the court imposed obligation to prevent the genocide of that neighbor.

In addition, the so-called Dayton Constitution was imposed on B&H even though the final version signed in Paris was never ratified in the Parliament of the Republic of B&H. Even worse, the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic B&H (Article 268) and procedures for the change of the constitution were totally ignored, as proven by constitutional scholars [e.g. Sienho Yee in the article “The New Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina” published in European Journal of International Law article ( Yee Eur J Int Law.1996; 7: 176-192)]: http://ejil.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/reprint/7/2/176 )

These days we witnessed an attempt by enemies and traitors of people of B&H to provide some legality to the illegitimate Dayton Constitution by amending it using provisions of the Constitution of the Republic B&H (the Article 268) that requires public debate. The so-called Brcko Amendment did not have any other objective but to legalize the illegitimate Dayton Agreement, as was well summarized by Professor Boyle in his interview to BosTel: www.youtube.com/watch?v=uLugRtFoVZc

In expectation that people of B&H will be in favor of the amendment to the illegitimate Dayton Constitution, traitors and enemies of people of B&H initiated public debate as part of the procedure required for the adaptation of the amendments. However, during the Public debate, which took place in series of town hall meetings in 5 major Bosnian cities and on the internet, people of Bosnia-Herzegovina overwhelmingly rejected the constitutional change. Raffi Gregorian, an Acting High Representative (AHR) and Brcko Supervisor, was quoted expressing his regrets because of the strong opposition of the people of B&H to the amendment. Transcripts of town hall meetings are available on the website of the Parliament, which clearly show that the people of B&H rejected the amendment.

At the end of the public debate, surprisingly, the constitutional committee decided to disregard the opinion of the people of B&H and to go with the amendment to the so-called Dayton Constitution, not even mentioning the results of the public debate.

People of Bosnia-Herzegovina reject any amendments to the illegitimate Dayton Constitution, as well as the Dayton Constitution itself. Now it should be clear to the world community and all freedom loving people that people of Bosnia-Herzegovina reject the illegitimately imposed Dayton Constitution as the law of the country.

Friday, March 20, 2009

NCRBH #599 INTL - DON'T LET YOUR CONSTITUTION BE CREATED BY ENEMY'S KNIFE !!!‏

National Congress of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina

ONLINE NEWSLETTER - International

No. 599

March 19, 2009

http://republic-bosnia-herzegovina.com/

CONTENT

1. Bosnians donate Brcko to Serbs

2. PREVOD: BOSANCI DARUJU BRCKO REPUBLICI SRPSKOJ

3. This is the finalization of the Tudjman-Milosevic plan on division of Bosnia-Hercegovina

4. GOVERNMENT DID NOT GET PUBLIC SUPPORT FOR BRCKO AMENDMENT IN THE PUBLIC DEBATE

5. DON'T LET YOUR CONSTITUTION BE CREATED BY ENEMY'S KNIFE !!!

6. PROFESOR BOYLE NA NTV HAYATU

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Postovani citaoci, imamo dosta ljudi na ovoj mailing listi koji govore Engleski. Zato distribuiramo ovo internacionalno izdanje Glasnika, na Engleskom. Ako ne govorite Engleski, imacete priliku da sve ovo vidite na Bosanskom. Npr, sve iz clanka pod 3 se cuje na linku u pod 6 na Bosanskom, clanak broj 4 je prevod sa Bosanskog uvodnog clanka iz proslog Glasnika. Clank Br 1 ima pravod u ovom Glasniku. Ivanin govor, clanak br. 5 smo objavili na Bosanskom u proslom Glasniku.


1. Bosnians are donating Brcko to the Serbian Republic


The Brcko Amendment provides in relevant part as follows:

"Brcko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina, that exists under sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina and that is under jurisdiction of the institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina in a manner of jurisdiction emanating from this Constitution, whose territory is in mutual property (condominium) of entities....."

This Amendment recognizes that BIH has "sovereignty" and that Republika Srpska has "property." But if RS has "property" in and over itself, then what good is the "sovereignty" of BIH? What does it mean? BIH can assert its "sovereignty" all it wishes, but if RS has "property" in and over itself, then BIH's assertion of "sovereignty" over RS will mean very little if anything at all.

The recognition that RS has "property" in and over itself will be in derogation of and to the detriment of BIH's "sovereignty". Recognition that RS has "property" in and over itself is another way of saying that RS has "sovereignty" over itself since "property" and "sovereignty" pretty much mean the same thing legally.

The Drafters of this Amendment could not come out and give RS "sovereignty" over itself, which would have meant Independence, so they did the next best thing and gave RS "property" in and over itself, which is tantamount to "sovereignty."

Therefore the adoption of the Brcko Amendment will grant "property" to the Republika Srpska, which is tantamount to "sovereignty" for RS and thus just one step removed from formal Independence for Republika Srpska. Next, then the adoption of the Hays Reforms/April Package will finish off the job: De Facto Independence for Republika Srpska without the need for RS to secede from BIH.

Bosnia and Herzegovina will eventually disintegrate as a State. Republika Srpska will be absorbed by Serbia. The Federation will be absorbed by Croatia. This carve-up of BIH is precisely what was contemplated and designed by Richard Holbrook in his Washington Agreements of 18 March 1994. And before that by Tudjman and Milosevic in their 1991 meeting at Karadjordjevo.

Professor Francis A. Boyle

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2. PREVOD: BOSANCI DARUJU BRCKO REPUBLCI SRPSKOJ

Poruka profesora Boylea, 19 . mart 2009

Amandman za Brcko dozvoljava slijedece tumacenje u ovim bitnijim dijelovima:

"Brcko Distrikt Bosne i Hercegovine, koji postoji pod suverenitetom Bosne i Hercegovine i spada pod nadležnosti institucija Bosne i Hercegovine onako kako te nadležnosti proizilaze iz ovog Ustava, cija je teritorija u zajednickoj svojini (kondominijumu) entiteta . . . "

Ovaj amandman priznaje da BiH ima "suverenitet" i da republika Srpska ima "svojinu". Ali ako RS ima "svojinu" u i nad sobom, kakva je onda korist od "suvereniteta" BiH?
Sta to znaci? BiH moze potvrdjivati svoj "suverenitet" koliko god hoce, ali ako RS ima "svojinu" u i nad sobom, onda potvrdjivanje "suvereniteta" BiH nad RS nece znaciti puno ako ce uopste bilo sta znaciti.
Priznanje da RS ima "svojinu" u i nad sobom ce biti u svrhu smanjivanja i na stetu "suvereniteta" BiH.

Priznjanje da RS ima "svojinu" u i nad sobom je drugi nacin da se kaze da RS ima "suverenitet" nad sobom posto "svojina" i "suverenitet" pravno imaju gotovo isto znacenje.

Kreatori nacrta ovog amandmana nisu mogli tek tako javno istupiti i dati RS-u "suverenitet" nad sobom jer bi to znacilo nezavisnost, tako da su oni umjesto toga uradili ono sto je bilo najblize ostvarenju toga, a to je "svojinu" nad sobom sto je u sustini jednako "suverenitetu". Na taj nacin ce usvajanje Amandmana za Brcko dodijeliti "svojinu" Republici Srpskoj sto je u sustini jednako "suverenitetu" za RS sto je samo jedan korak manje od formalne nezavisnosti za republiku Srpsku.

Usvajanje Hejsovih Reformi/Aprilskog Paketa koje slijedi ce zavrsiti posao: de fakto nezavisnost Republike Srpske bez potrebe da se RS otcijepi od BiH. Bosna i Hercegovina ce se na kraju raspasti kao drzava. Republika Srpska ce biti apsorbirana od strane Srbije. Federacija ce biti apsorbirana od strane Hrvatske. Ovo komadanje BiH je tacno ono sto je smisljeno i dizajnirano od strane Richarda Holbrooka u njegovom Washingtonskom Ugovoru od 18. marta 1994., a prije toga izmedju Tudjmana i Milosevica na njihovom sastanku 1991 u Karadjordjevu.

Prof. Francis A. Boyle
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3. This is the finalization of the Tudjman-Milosevic plan on division of Bosnia-Hercegovina

[The Bosnian Hayat TV interviewed Francis Boyle, US lawyer who was legal counsel in Bosnia-Hercegovina's lawsuit against Serbia-Montenegro for genocide before the International Court of Justice. In the interview, broadcast on the Central News Bulletin with Senad Hadzifejzovic on 14 March 2009 at 1755 gmt, Boyle comments on the recently proposed constitutional amendments concerning the status of the Brcko District in Bosnia-Hercegovina.]

[Host Senad Hadzifejzovic] A US drama follows dear viewers. Former US lawyer of Bosnia-Hercegovina, a friend of our country, Francis Boyle, is also very, very concerned for the future of our country. We recorded the interview with Mr Boyle late last night. The interview was so dramatic that one could not sleep afterwards. If the Parliament of Bosnia-Hercegovina adopts the amendment for Brcko, it will automatically adopt the Dayton constitution, recognize the Serb Republic and division of the country. The big words used by Boyle in this interpretation are 'the end of Bosnia', 'break-up of the country', 'annexation of the Serb Republic to Serbia'. As a reminder for those who do not know, the so-called Bosnian parties, the three biggest ones, which have the partisan and stately target as a united Bosnia-Hercegovina, namely the SDA, SBIH and the SDP, have supported adoption of the [Bosnian constitution] amendment concerning Brcko, so that practically, apart from the small BOSS party, there is no opposition against this view. Sulejman Tihic supported the amendment, and publicly explained 'Dodik got Brcko'. It is paradoxical that Silajdzic has distanced himself from the amendment, but supported it nevertheless. It is a paradox that the SDP has supported the amendment without greater discussion. The Internet-based front of concerned Bosnians, individuals, intellectuals, groups, association is the only opposition, who are asking for support in panic, unity of Bosnians and warn of the defeating character of the amendment for the state.
The Bosnian Diaspora is also united in opposition against the amendment.

[Interviewer Kenan Cerimagic] Our guest lives in Champagne, Illinois in the United States of America, This is a great friend of Bosnia-Hercegovina, our lawyer and advisor to the lawyers from the Federation who had led the process during the arbitration for Brcko. Our guest is Professor Francis Boyle. Good evening, professor. Glad to see you again on our programme.

[Francis Boyle, in English with translation into vernacular superimposed] Well, thank you for having me and greetings to my friends in Bosnia.

[Interviewer] Let us start with your criticism against the amendment concerning the Brcko District. It is considered to be totally unimportant and used only for ratification of the Dayton Accord in the Parliament of Bosnia-Hercegovina.

[Boyle] Well, yes. There are many problems with the Brcko amendment. It seems to me that the US government is finishing up the final phase of the process of division of Bosnia-Hercegovina and the Brcko amendment is a part of that. What they want to do for the first time is to force the Bosnian parliament to ratify the illegal and unconstitutional Dayton constitution, which had been imposed to Bosnia by circumventing the rules of the former Bosnian constitution concerning constitutional amendments, not to speak about its changes. If the current composition of the parliament endorses this, this will be the first ratification and confirmation of the Dayton constitution. The next phase, in the view of Americans, will be the return to Hays' reforms and the so-called April package, which will be completion of the job. This package had previously failed due to shortage of two votes in the parliament. I believe they thought it would be difficult to start the process with the April package again, and that it would be better to start with this amendment, and if this amendment is endorsed, go back to the Hays' April package.

[Host] On our last week's programme, the supervisor for Brcko Raffi Gregorian said he considered the Brcko amendment his victory. What is the US role here?
What do they want to create in our country, Bosnia-Hercegovina?

[Boyle] As we had discussed before, at the time of the Washington Agreement, Pentagon had publicly declared that what was happening was in fact a slow motion of a division of Bosnia that will take 15 years. That is the agenda. The coming year of 2010 will be the 15th year after Dayton and the elections are planned for this year, if it comes to that at all. The Brcko amendment and the return to Hays' reforms and the April package is, for them, the final act of the Bosnia process. I do not know the new High Representative, but I am sure his intentions are good. Still, he will not have any other choice but to listen to the instructions of the British and US governments, which mostly support the Brcko amendment. Even the President Komsic [Croat member of Bosnian Presidency] said this week this was not the idea of Bosnians, but Britons and Americans. This was the case with the Hays' reforms and the April package. They were not designed by Bosniaks, but the so-called US Institute for Peace, which is only an extended hand of the State Department. This is the final act of Bosnia directed by the US and the British.

[Host] In his response to the question of what was Milorad Dodik [Serb Republic premier] getting with this amendment, Sulejman Tihic [SDA leader] simply said 'Brcko'. Is this correct?

[Boyle] That is correct. [Passage omitted, Boyle reads the Statute of Brcko and says the amendment brings Brcko back to the control of the Serb Republic].
This amendment was obviously created in favor of the Serb Republic and its extension to the Brcko, as well as cementing of the Serb Republic, which will lead to the start of Hays' reforms and the April package, which will finish off this job. Before official publishing of the document on Hays' reforms, the SDA had sent me a copy of the document during the preliminary talks, in order to get my opinion. It is clear from the talks and the document that the Serb Republic delegates knew perfectly well that the Serb Republic is fragile in the eyes of the world, which is why they asked for the existence of the Serb Republic to be forever cemented in the Hays' reforms and the April package. This is happening right now, first with the Brcko amendment, after which Hays' reforms and the April package, which have been supported, unfortunately, by Mr Tihic and the SDA, will follow.

[Interviewer] How do you comment the support for this amendment by the SDA, Party for Bosnia-Hercegovina and the SDP? Is this some kind of a sudden change of mind in Bosniak, Bosnian politics concerning this issue?

[Boyle] As for Mr Tihic, my sources from the SDA tell he does everything the Americans tell him to do. I had advised the SDA to reject Hays' reforms and President Tihic agreed with this. He then met the US Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice, who made enormous pressure on Tihic to accept Hays' reforms, which is what he eventually did. I then started to actively advocate knocking down of Hays' reforms, in which my client and an old friend, the president of the Party for Bosnia-Hercegovina Haris Silajdzic, joined me. Concerning SDP, what could you have expected for the former communist, Lagumdzija? I have continued to work with Silajdzic and the Party for Bosnia-Hercegovina, and I am convincing them that the Brcko amendment is very dangerous, as well as the Hays'
reforms and the April package. I have noticed that Silajdzic is disassociating himself from non-acceptance of Hays' reforms, claiming he want the amendment to be acceptable for the chief arbiter for Brcko Robert Owen. Media have reported that Owen said he will not accept this decision [as heard]. I would like to encourage Silajdzic to give up any support for the Brcko amendment. This amendment needs to be killed immediately.

[Interviewer] What kind of practical consequences can this amendment have on Bosnia-Hercegovina, for cases in The Hague, some new case before the International Court of Justice and functioning of the state in general, if endorsed?

[Boyle] The practical consequences will be that the Bosnian government and the central institutions will not be able to function any more. We have to understand that this was the intention of Holbrook and the State Department lawyers who had authored Dayton. The first version of the Dayton Accord, which I had analyzed for President Izetbegovic, had led de jure to a division of the Republic of Bosnia-Hercegovina. Fortunately, Izetbegovic had rejected that, while now we have de facto a government with a divided country, with a government that was intentionally created not to function. It is clear that Bosnia cannot function like this. [Passage omitted] The Brcko amendment, Hays'
reforms and the April package will only worsen the situation even more, which will lead to a final collapse of the state. I don't know how soon this will happen after ratification of the Brcko amendment and the Hays' package, but I don't know how will Bosnia survive at all as a state, if the Parliament adopts the Brcko amendment, together with Hays' reforms and the April package. I fear that Bosnia-Hercegovina will simply dissolve in all that.

[Interviewer] In your analysis of the Dayton Accord, you clearly say 'it will always be a message that genocide pays off'. Is this amendment in line with that message?

[Boyle] Well of course. The Brcko amendment provides for renewed establishment of control of the Serb Republic over Brcko and will continue to cement genocide, ethnic cleansing, rapes of Bosnian women. This amendment is horrendous [words indistinct].

[Interviewer] What would be your advice for politicians and the public of Bosnia-Hercegovina concerning changes of the constitution, step-by-step or change as a whole.

[Boyle] You have to understand that Bosnians will have only one chance at change of the constitution. You will have to give up all these amendments and organize a constitutional conference, in which all elements of the Bosnian society will be represented, including the Serb Republic, and that way reach an agreement that will satisfy all and enable you to have a functional central institutions, and not a constitution imposed by the Americans, such as Holbrook and Hays, which the British and the Americans want to impose in order to satisfy their interests. This goes for the Brcko amendments, which the British and the Americans want to impose for their own interest, in order to get rid of Bosnia as a state and a potential source of problems for them in the future.

[Interviewer] How do you comment the meeting of three leaders and support of the international community for the Prud agreement? Is this the exit strategy of the international community and the final farewell, on which Dodik and the Serb Republic have insisted?

[Boyle] Clearly, their time framework was 15 years, which is by 2010. The Brcko amendment and the April package, which Tihic supported, are parts of the same strategy to finish off the job and to leave Bosnia-Hercegovina, the state division and the break up of Bosnia, where the Serb Republic would be annexed to Serbia, and the Federation to Croatia. This was clear from the Washington Agreement, which I had analyzed for the Parliament of the Republic of Bosnia-Hercegovina, which you can find on the Internet. This is the end of the game and the finalization of the Tudjman-Milosevic plan on division of Bosnia-Hercegovina from Karadjordjevo in 1991. [Passage omitted, Boyle greets the women of Srebrenica]

Source: TV Hayat, Sarajevo, in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian 1755 gmt 14 Mar 09

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4. GOVERNMENT DID NOT GET PUBLIC SUPPORT FOR BRCKO AMENDMENT IN THE PUBLIC DEBATE

This is the official complaint against the government of Bosnia-Herzegovina regarding their conduct during the Public Debate

Muhamed Borogovac, Ph.D., ASA, MAAA

-TO THE CONSTITUTIONAL-LEGA COMMITTEE OF BOTH HOUSES OF THE PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
-To all representatives in both houses of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina
-To Raffi Gregorian
-To High Representative (OHR-Office of High Representative)
-To the European Union (please forward to Council)

SUBJECT: PUBLIC DEBATE ABOUT CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT 1

REQUEST

As a citizen of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, by the power of the Constitution of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina I hereby participate in public debate about the Amendment 1 to the Constitution and I request that it is voted NO for the Amendment 1 (regarding Brcko) because the proposing side DID NOT PROVE support of the people to the Amendment 1.

EXPLANATION

In order for the Constitutional Amendment to be legitimate, it must have SUPPORT from the people according to Bosnian constitution. The sole purpose of the Public Debate, required by constitution, is to enable government to prove that the people support the amendment. The proposing party i.e. the BiH government is obliged to prove that the people are behind the amendment by means of Public Debate. Therefore, the low number of people who attended public discussion is a disqualifying problem for the government. People could not participate in the Public Debate because the authorities did not adequately inform them about the debate. Authorities were obliged to invite the people so that everybody feels encouraged to take part in the discussions regarding the amendment. It would have been necessary for the proposing party to secure a large numbers of people to rally behind the Amendment in order to fulfill the constitutional obligation of proving that the people support the change of the constitution. Only then their claim that "the people want this change of the Constitution" would be credible.

That is exactly why communists had always secured such large assemblies of support to their reforms during the Public Debates. That is why the constitutions of Yugoslav Republics were legitimate even under the strict Western criteria, which was confirmed by the decisions of Badinter committee.

Lawyers would say: "The burden is on authorities to prove that the people want the change."

However, instead of taking an effort to secure the credibility of people's assembles during public discussions, authorities were hiding from the people the information that there is a public debate scheduled. The question rises:
Why? The only logical answer is that they know that people DO NOT WANT the change of the constitution that in inconspicuous way legalizes partition of the country.

So even if all of 10-15 of debaters from people in Sarajevo expressed their support for the Amendment it is too small sample in order for the hypothesis that people want the constitutional change to be confirmed. On the other hand, the fact that those 10-15 debaters said NO to the amendments topples the hypothesis of the authorities i.e. it is statistically clear that the authorities did not prove that people support the Amendment. (Credibility theory and testing of statistical hypothesis are familiar topics to the author of this complain, who is an actuary in Boston, USA.)

It is of crucial importance that the opinions of large enough number of people are captured, because one cannot state that people support some change if one doesn't have convincing numbers.

Even a blind person can now see that our politicians intentionally circumvented the constitutional obligation, by putting into action their pre-meditated plan to hide this Public Debate from the people. In a normal country that would disqualify the proposed constitutional change because for which a large numbers of participants of the debate is necessary to prove that the people want the constitutional change.

The Internet was the only place were one could read correct information about the Public Debates while authorities were making countless obstructions during the debate. For example, they turned off the only e-mail address where one could send an opinion, they organized public debate during working hours instead of the weekend etc. etc. We all know that Internet use is only in its infancy in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the only important media in Bosnia and Herzegovina is television. If the authorities wanted to accumulate legitimacy to this constitutional change they should have circulated correct announcements about the debate, on daily basis on the TV and invite people to come and give them credible support.

The debate itself was also controlled so that only they (the politicians) set the tone for the discussion. They had unlimited time (i.e. Gregorian spoke for 40 minutes). But it did not help them. All speakers after Gregorian refused to support the amendment.

Conclusion:

There are no statistics where authorities can show that they accumulated enough popular support for this constitutional change. The largest number of debaters was in Sarajevo, but even there it was no more than 15 and all of the citizens unanimously rejected the amendment.

Discussions by the representatives of the authorities are irrelevant because the proposing party (i.e. authorities) should have secured the support from the people, not again the support of the proposing party itself.

As for the discussions that were sent to the Parliament directly, the amendment was rejected by an overwhelming proportion of the people. We know that because many of them sent their copies to the e-mail address Bosnian Congress USA, bosanski_kongres@hdmagazine.com

These numbers are much more credible because only people who use the Internet were informed. However, the most credible result was secured by the telephone survey of the NTV Hayat, where viewers massively and convincingly voted AGAINST the amendments 3,073 to 113. This would have been credible even under the strict U.S. standards.

If even after this obvious fact that Amendment did not get support of the people Parliament adopts the amendment it will be a grave rape of the nation. Each representative who votes for this amendment is by definition PARTICIPANT IN THE GENOCIDE, because attempt to get victims of genocide accustomed to the results of genocide is participation in genocide as well, according to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. There is no one reasonable who would justify those who vote for this amendment. And don't forget: the crime of genocide never expires.

We can see from following Gregorian's statement given to FENA (translated from Bosnian, below), given right after the Sarajevo Debate that it is clear that the Amendment did not get the required support from the people.

"High Representative and supervisor for Brcko District Raffi Gregorian told journalists, after he listened to the debate, that he is sorry for the fact that the majority of people who expressed their negative opinions today, did not speak about Brcko or about the content of the amendment itself, regardless of the fact that all of the citizens of Brcko including representatives of the parties, including the Party for Bosnia and Herzegovina (Stranka za BiH) in Brcko, all supported this amendment and want its adoption. "

According to his words, people who speak against amendments really speak about problems that they have with Dayton in general and what they want is the new Constitution and not the new amendment that considers Brcko specifically.

"People who organized this quite loud reply of their disagreement with this amendment did not at the same time offer any other alternative, a new proposal or a new constitution ", said Gregorian.

According to his words, what we should talk about here now is Brcko.

"This amendment is good for Brcko and that is why the citizens of Brcko support it too. The amendment is completely neutral in regards to the rest of the Constitution and these amendments do not give prejudice for the future constitutional reform in any way", said Gregorian." (FENA)

Comment on Gregorian's statement:

It is not true that people in Brcko supported the amendment, only the corrupt puppet politicians who listen to the "big shots from the world". It is not true that people did not offer an alternative; Participants in the debate offered that all constitutional changes should go in one package. Have in mind that authorities are promising the people the change of the constitution, and according to them this is only the first step. People do not believe that because, if adopted that would also be the final step.

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Unchallenged speech of Ms. Ivana Mostarac at the Public Debate in Sarajevo, on March 17th 2009. The government official presiding over the meeting forbade the public from applauding the speakers after this speech.

5. DON’T LET YOUR CONSTITUTION BE CREATED BY ENEMY'S KNIFE !!!

March 17th 2009. G.

Nation of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina!

Stand up tomorrow and say NO and NO TO THE DESTRUCTION OF OUR REPUBLIC OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA!!!

1. PROUD PEOPLE, DON'T LET YOUR CONSTITUTION BE CREATED BY KNIFE!

2. FIRST YOU HAVE TO ASK CITIZENS OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IF THEY AGREE TO THE ANNIHILATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AND CREATION OF SO-CALLED "rs"!

3. Articles 154 and 155 of the Constitution of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina empower us to never accept the Dayton (agreement) betrayal!

4. Dr. Gregorian, "our", as you say, representatives, don't have nor did they get a mandate to destroy the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and people who live there. You too, have no such right regardless of your “Bohn authorities”! PROPOSITION: Dr. Gregorian, you sign, in the name of OHR, that you accept those amendments and then take full responsibility before the International community, because in the future (a dangerous one), only you will be able to correct the mistakes!

5. By you internet-based registration you intentionally turn people off in attending the public debate.

6. The debate was set during work time – intentionally so less citizens would appear.

7. It is the sole and irrevocable right and responsibility of citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina to and other ethnic groups living within, to protect and defend freedom, independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and order established by the Constitution of the Republic!

8. WE DO NOT RECOGNIZE CAPITULATION NOR THE OCCUPATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA!

9. Legalizing "RS" means a prize for the genocide!

10. Proposition to approach to the change of the Constitution of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina can be submitted by: each council of the Assembly of the Republic, Presidency of the Republic, Government of the Republic and at least 30 representatives of the Assembly!

11. It is perfectly clear then that not one point from the Article 268. Of the Constitution of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was not fulfilled so that according to that fact, the initiative and public debate about the change of Dayton-Constitution of BiH, by submitting amendments that deals with Brcko District – is completely illegitimate and unlawful!

12. Because of embedded mechanisms for human right abuse in current Constitution , Bosnia and Herzegovina can only became a candidate for the EC member but it will never become a member of European union. So the adoption of the Amendment I on the Constitution because of the inclusion of status of Brcko, will become an obstacle for Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s entry in European Union!!

13. DR. GREGORIAN, show by this example that you are indeed the friend of all of the citizens of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and that you are on the side of the protectors of the Human rights,and then those who are for peace can put you as a candidate for NOBEL PEACE PRIZE!

14. Free people and people with dignity can never agree that their freedom and sovereignty be taken away by a knife and aggression.

NEVER, NO, NO AND NO!

Ivana Mostarac, coordinator
NGO "Children Movement for Peace, Love and Friendship– Children of Sarajevo”
Malik Garibija, president of ¨Youth Council¨, Sarajevo

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6. PROFESOR BOYLE NA NTV HAYATU

Obezbjedjen je sinhronizovani Bosanski prevod.

http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-6461203853370859131

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