NKRBH INTL ‏#620 - INTERNACIONALIZACIJA SLUCAJA TIHIC - SADOVIC‏

ONLINE NEWSLETTER - In English and Bosnian

No. 620

July 08, 2009

http://republic-bosnia-herzegovina.com/

CONTENT (Sadrzaj)

1. OTVORENO PISMO PODRSKE MINISTRU SADOVICU

2. BOSNIAN MINISTER THWARTS SERBIAN PLOT AGAINST BOSNIA, HIS PARTY BOSS CALLS FOR HIS RESIGNATION

3. MARCH TO SREBRENICA

4. OLD ISSUES OF OUR NEWSLETTER

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Editorial

Ovim Glasnikom smo na Engleskom upoznali poslanike Evropskog parlamenta i mnoge prijatelje BiH u svijetu, sa najnovijom situacijom u vezi Tihicevog zahtjeva da ministar Sadovic podnese ostavku. Prilozi 2,3 i 4 su sacinjavali nase internacionalno izdanja Glasnika (Newsletter No. 620).

U prilog pod tackom 2 je na Engleskom kazano ono o cemu smo pisali i u Glasniku br. 619 o napadu Tihica na ministra Sadovica.

Ima mnogo nasih mladjih ljudi koji lakse citaju Engleski nego Bosanski, pa i njih na ovaj nacin upoznajemo sa najnovijim vijestima.

Osjetili smo potrebu da se licno obratimo gosp. Sadovicu i da mu kao covjeku damo moralnu podrsku da izdrzi do kraja. To je sadrzano u pismu pod tackom br. 1.

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1. OTVORENO PISMO PODRSKE MINISTRU SADOVICU

Veoma postovani gosp. Sadovicu,

znamo da ste ovih dana izlozeni strahovitim pritiscima Tihicevih i Dodikovih posilnih i placenika. Jedino sto vam mozemo poruciti je da ne klonete, da im se ne predate.

NE SAMO ZBOG NASE DOMOVINE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE, NEGO NE SMIJETE POKLEKNUTI NI ZBOG VAS SAMIH. Znajte da vam je jedini izlaz iz ove situacije da pobijedite, da im ne date ostavku.

Ako im se pokorite, ako se savijete pred ljudskim sljamom kakav su Tihic i Kebo osjecacete se gorim od njih. Vi znate koliko Bosnjaci preziru Tihica. Mozete zamisliti koliki ce to udarac biti vasem ugledu ako se poklonite tom sljamu.

Nije nikakav problem ako vas smjene. Onoga trenutka kada vas udruzeni cetnici i njihovi jataci iz SDA smjene, Bosna i Hercegoivina ce dobiti novog heroja.

A znajte da ce vasi neprijatelji sve uciniti da vas dokrajce, jer vi ste opasno ugrozili cetnicki projekat spasavajuci nas iz klopke koju je Srbija namjestila svim Bosnjacima. Jer ne bi se to zavrsilo na Dobrovoljackoj. Ako Srbija zadrzi mogucnost da po svom nahodjenju izdaje potjernice Interpola za Bosnjacima uvjek ce se lako nalaziti sve novi i novi razlozi za nove potjernice. Niko od Bosnjaka ne bi bio siguran vise.

Vasom ostavkom Vi bi opasno ugrozili to dostignuce za BiH koje ste postigli, sto je vjerovatno vase zivotno djelo, ono zbog cega cete uci u istoriju. Osim toga, vasom ostavkom Vi bi samo priznali da ste nesto pogrijesili cime bi ste olaksali posao vasim neprijateljima da se obracunaju sa vama do kraja. Vise ne bi ste imali nikakve odbrane, jer bi ste vasom ostavkom sami priznali neku krivicu. Procitajte knjige zrtava Staljinovog rezima. U svima njima je poruka jasna - ne smijete priznati ono za sto niste krivi. Dakle, ne smijete dati ostavku.

Najgore od svega je da cete onog trenutka kada im se poklonite i slazete na sebe, dajuci ostavku za izmisljenu krivicu, poceti mrziti samog sebe i to ce trajati do kraja zivota. A od sebe ne mozete pobjeci.

Na kraju, znajte da je narod uz vas i molimo vas da izdrzite.

Dr. Muhamed Borogovac

Nacionalni kongres Republike BiH


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2. BOSNIAN MINISTER THWARTS SERBIAN PLOT AGAINST BOSNIA, HIS PARTY BOSS CALLS FOR HIS RESIGNATION

By Tarik Borogovac

A few days ago, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) Minister of Security Tarik Sadovic secured an important victory in protecting BiH citizens and interests from an unscrupulous offensive by Serbia in the international arena. The very next day, his party boss Sulejman Tihic of the SDA party asked him to resign, without citing any concrete reason. To us it is clear that Mr. Tihic is taking issue with Minister Sadovic precisely for doing his job.

The central issue is that Serbia has been using the Belgrade office of Interpol to issue warrants against war-time BiH government and army officials, alleging war crimes against soldiers of the Yugoslav National Army fighting in Bosnia, and against Serb civilians. All the accusations represent “the Serb version of events”, i.e. they are based on interpretations of the war in Bosnia that only Serbia and Bosnian Serb officials propagate. Serbia had initially presented its allegations and its “evidence” to the UN tribunal for war crimes in former Yugoslavia at the Hague, and the tribunal had declined to issue warrants because the evidence was insufficient and not credible.

(NOTE: Other cases that were brought against the Bosnian officials, and which were thought to be more credible, did result in tribunal indictments. All indicted persons from the Bosnian side turned themselves in promptly, and in the majority of the cases completed so far, the suspects were either cleared of all charges by the tribunal, or judged guilty of offenses much less serious than the allegations brought forth by Serbia and the prosecution.)

Based on the allegations that were already rejected by the Hague tribunal, Serbia decided to issue indictments in its own courts, and in the courts of its puppet entity in Bosnia called “The Republic of the Serbs” (RS). For the RBiH government officials and higher ups in the Army Serbia issued Interpol warrants. For others, Serbia and the RS created “secret” lists. This had three major intentions:

1. For a domestic audience, Serbia preserves some credibility for previous propaganda. Slobodan Milosevic is dead, but his whitewashed regime is still in power as evidenced by the fact that his wartime propaganda still dominates. Serbs are still the victims of genocide and aggression perpetrated by militant Muslims, and fascist Croats (tacitly backed by a combination of imperialist western nations, and fundamentalist Arab regimes). That myth would fall apart if Serbia did not act accordingly by pretending to fight to bring justice for all the Serb victims, and to uncover the enormous evidence that must surely exist for such a grand conspiracy. Simply, Serbia had to either “put up or shut up”.

2. For an international audience, Serbia shows that it is not the only one that is hiding its indicted war criminals like Ratko Mladic, as evidenced by the Interpol warrants issued for many Bosnians (and Kosovars, see the case of Agim Ceku). Of course, Serbia, as a member of Interpol created those warrants.

3. Serbia also uses the secret warrants for further ethnic cleansing of the RS by prevention of return of non-Serb refugees. The secret lists have been cited during the arrests of many non-Serb returnees to the RS. For example, several days ago, the RS police arrested Midhat Salihovic, a refugee from Srebrenica residing in Sweden, when he came back to Bosnia to bury the identified remains of his father and brother, who were executed in Srebrenica by the RS police. As a result, the refugees believe that any of them can be put on these lists, and most of them are afraid to return.

In addition, the threat of such warrants can be used to keep those Bosnian officials, who were involved in Bosnia’s defense during the war, from resisting Serbia’s political meddling in Bosnia.

Minister Sadovic recently sent a complaint to Interpol because of the misuse of the Interpol warrants by Serbia for political and propaganda purposes. He asked them to review a particular set of “red” war crimes warrants issued from its Belgrade office. The warrants in question were issued based on a battle on the streets of Sarajevo in 1992, in which, as Serbia alleges, the Army of RBiH committed war crimes against an armored column of the Yugoslav National Army, which carried the BiH President Alija Izetbegovic and his daughter as hostages. Interpol reviewed that nonsense, rescinded the warrants, and changed the rules on issuing warrants for war crimes to prevent further abuse. Now, countries cannot issue war crimes arrest warrants for citizens of other countries, if their home countries do not consent. Or, as Mr. Sadovic put it: “Serbia cannot issue red warrants against Bosnian citizens, if Bosnia doesn’t agree.”

Obviously, this is a major blow to the Serbian government. Interpol’s decision gives some protection to Bosnian officials when traveling abroad to other countries. Unfortunately, it will not help others that Serbia and RS arrest themselves. More than that, it is a blow because Serbia was exposed as a regime that is willing to engage in such criminal abuse of international mechanisms of justice for simple political and propaganda objectives.

Finally, Mr. Tihic’s swift revenge against Mr. Sadovic may be a surprise to uninformed observers, given the great service Mr. Sadovic just did for his country. However, those familiar with communist Yugoslavia recognize men like Mr. Tihic as agents of Serbia. Namely, in Yugoslavia, Serb nationalists controlled the secret police (the notorious Internal State Security Agency UDBA) and the Yugoslav National Army, employing a network of agents and informants to spy and control the citizens of Yugoslavia. There were similar agencies throughout the communist east Europe, for example, the East German Stasi. The specificity of the Yugoslavian spy network was its Serb nationalist, rather than communist ideology. Of special value to UDBA as agents were those non-Serbs who managed to prove their loyalty to Serb national ideals.

The infiltrators were successful Bosnia, and they were given the opportunity to organize politically in the name of Bosniaks, with the aim of controlling Bosniak politics. The most successful of these was President Alija Izetbegovic, who, among other things, put himself in danger to protect the above mentioned YNA column, stopped the American lifting of the arms embargo for the RBiH Army, and signed that the already defeated Serb nationalist forces should control half of BiH in Dayton. One of the last things he did was to install Mr. Tihic to lead the powerful SDA party.

Tihic (together with allies Haris Silajdzic and Zlatko Lagumdzija) have done much damage to our country in order satisfy the Serbian apetite for Bosnia, and have brought the country to the brink of definite disintegration, and to a de facto realization of Milosevic’s genocidal project of an ethnically clean “Republic of the Serbs” on Bosnian territory. The people of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and especially Bosniaks, never recognized the genocidal RS, and the signatures of a few Serbian agents that established it are illegitimate and cannot stand in the long run.

Minister Sadovic’s complaint to Interpol represents one of the rare Bosnian victories, and it is precisely the reason why Tihic wants to force him out so quickly.

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3. MARCH TO SREBRENICA

Autor: BIRN

07. Jul 2009. 15:07:27

On Wednesday, July 8 more than 2,500 Peace March participants will leave Nezuk, near Zvornik, and walk 110 km before arriving in Potocari, near Srebrenica, on July 11.

This will be the fourth successive year that the Peace March has been organized to honour those Srebrenica residents who fled through the woods in July 1995 in an attempt to reach territory controlled by the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The march will last for three days. The march participants will arrive at the Potocari Memorial Center on July 11, where they will attend the burial of more than 500 murdered Srebrenica residents.

Some participants will start the march in Zepa, located in the vicinity of Srebrenica.

March participants who begin their journey in Nezuk will walk around 35 kilometers per day, while those starting in Zepa will walk for 25 km per day for two days.

Peace March organizers say that their goal is to pay respect to the genocide victims and remind everyone of "the massive and frightening crime committed against Bosniaks from Srebrenica by the Army and police of Republika Srpska".

Another goal is to motivate all "relevant actors to arrest and try all those who are charged with this crime, as soon as possible, with the aim of serving justice and creating preconditions for building permanent peace and tolerance among the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina".

Apart from participants from Bosnia and Herzegovina, people from the Netherlands, Croatia, France, Switzerland, Serbia, Italy, the USA, Australia and other countries take part in the Peace March every year.

In a resolution adopted by the UN Security Council on April 16, 1993, Srebrenica was declared a protected zone, which was supposed to be demilitarized. Members of the UN Protection Force were deployed in the town on April 18, 1993.

Forces under the command of Republika Srpska General Ratko Mladic entered the town on July 11, 1995. At that moment about 35,000 people from Srebrenica and the surrounding villages, who had sought shelter in the town, were in Srebrenica.

Following the arrival of the Serb forces, women, children and the elderly, as well as some men, converged on Potocari seeking protection from the Dutch UNPROFOR Battalion which was based there. A short time later they were surrounded by Serb forces. The men were separated and taken prisoner. Many of them, including boys, were later killed.

The women and children were deported, on buses and trucks, to territory controlled by the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Shortly after the arrival of the Serb forces, some Srebrenica residents headed through the woods and over the mountains in an attempt to reach territory contrlled by the Bosnian army. A small number survived the difficult journey after spending days moving quickly and following indirect routes.

In 2007 the International Court of Justice at The Hague ruled that the crime committed at Srebrenica constituted genocide.

Individuals accused of commmiting genocide in Srebrenica are currently on trial in four separate cases being heard before the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Sarajevo.

The trial of eight senior police and military officials of Republika Srpska is underway at the Hague Tribunal. Ratko Mladic, who is on the run, and Radovan Karadzic, former President of Republika Srpska, who is awaiting trial at the Hague, are charged, among other things, with the genocide committed in Srebrenica.

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4. OLD ISSUES OF OUR NEWSLETTER

http://rbih-free.blogspot.com/2009/06/ncrbh-612-intl-unfinished-business-in.html

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